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20 mars 2015 5 20 /03 /mars /2015 12:20
Special Operations Leaders Voice Sequestration Concerns

 

WASHINGTON, March 19, 2015 – By Army Sgt. 1st Class Tyrone C. Marshall Jr.-  DoD News

 

 Challenges caused by limited resources, fiscal uncertainty and the changing nature of threats have forced the military’s special operations forces to operate creatively, the Defense Department’s top special operations officials told Congress yesterday.

 

Michael D. Lumpkin, assistant secretary of defense for special operations and low-intensity conflict, and Army Gen. Joseph L. Votel, commander of U.S. Special Operations Command, appeared before the House Armed Services Committee’s emerging threats and capabilities subcommittee to discuss Socom’s fiscal year 2016 budget request.

 

Fiscal uncertainty requires creativity in bridging gaps between resources and national security objectives, Lumpkin said. Meanwhile, he added, the changing nature of threats demands the attention and engagement of special operations forces through agile authorities that enable the force to remain ahead of adversaries.

 

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26 février 2015 4 26 /02 /février /2015 17:30
photo  U.S. Department of State

photo U.S. Department of State

 

26/02/2015 Le Point.fr (AFP)

 

Le secrétaire d'État s'exprimait mercredi devant une commission du Congrès américain. Washington avait déjà reconnu le "rôle" de Téhéran dans la région.

 

Les États-Unis et l'Iran ont de facto "un intérêt commun" à lutter contre le groupe radical sunnite État islamique, a admis mercredi le secrétaire d'État John Kerry, même s'ils ne coopèrent pas militairement contre cette organisation. "Nous avons au moins un intérêt commun, mais pas de coopération", a déclaré M. Kerry devant une commission du Congrès américain, à propos de la lutte contre l'EI en Irak et en Syrie, au moment où Washington et Téhéran sont dans la dernière ligne droite de leurs négociations sur le programme nucléaire iranien.

 

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12 février 2015 4 12 /02 /février /2015 19:30
Obama: la coalition est à l’offensive et l’EI sera vaincu

 

12 février 2015 45eNord.ca

 

Barack Obama a demandé mercredi au Congrès américain d’avaliser la guerre contre le groupe Etat islamique en Irak et Syrie pour trois ans, tout en promettant que les Etats-Unis n’enverraient pas leurs soldats combattre dans une opération terrestre d’envergure.

 

Le président américain, dans une déclaration, a engagé une offensive politique pour convaincre des élus sceptiques de soutenir sa stratégie pour vaincre les djihadistes de l’EI.

«Se débarrasser de ces terroristes va prendre du temps, surtout dans les zones urbaines. Mais notre coalition est à l’offensive. L’EI est sur la défensive et l’EI va perdre», a-t-il lancé.

Barack Obama souhaite pouvoir engager les forces spéciales, mais il veut rassurer les Américains qu’aucune «nouvelle intervention terrestre d’envergure au Moyen-Orient» ne sera lancée, écartant ainsi le spectre d’une nouvelle guerre d’Irak après celle qui a coûté la vie à près de 4.500 soldats américains entre 2003 et 2011.

Il avait transmis peu avant une requête au Congrès, sous la forme d’une résolution «pour autoriser l’usage limité des forces armées américaines contre l’Etat islamique en Irak et au Levant», un document que le Congrès devra amender et, espère la Maison Blanche, adopter à la plus grande majorité possible dans les prochains mois.

Barack Obama n’a évidemment pas attendu l’autorisation parlementaire pour commencer cette guerre contre les jihadistes. Les avions américains les bombardent depuis le 8 août en Irak, et depuis le 23 septembre en Syrie. Selon le président américain, plus de 2.000 frappes aériennes ont été menées. Environ 1.830 militaires assistent déjà les forces irakiennes sur le terrain.

Six mois d’opérations militaires conduites en vertu des pouvoirs de commandant en chef de Barack Obama, et fondées officiellement sur les autorisations votées par le Congrès contre l’Irak (2002) et Al-Qaïda (2001), un lien pour le moins ténu.

Depuis six mois, de nombreux élus, démocrates et républicains, dénonçaient une guerre illégale et exhortaient le Congrès à assumer son rôle constitutionnel de déclarer les guerres. La dernière déclaration de guerre formelle date de la Seconde Guerre mondiale, mais le Congrès a depuis autorisé l’usage de la force à plusieurs reprises, notamment au Liban (1983) et en Irak (1991).

Le nouveau document abrogerait l’autorisation de 2002 contre l’Irak, et donnerait une base juridique à la guerre contre l’EI, en fixant les paramètres suivants:

– l’autorisation courrait trois ans;

– elle vise le groupe EI et «les forces et personnes associées»;

– elle ne comporte par de contraintes géographiques, reconnaissant le fait que l’EI «a annoncé son intention de saisir plus de territoires» que la Syrie et l’Irak;

– elle interdirait des «opérations durables de combats terrestres offensifs».

Les forces spéciales pourraient ainsi être ponctuellement déployées, par exemple «si nos renseignements font état d’une rencontre entre des dirigeants de l’EI et nos partenaires n’ont pas la capacité de les viser», a expliqué Barack Obama.

C’est cette clause, trop vague pour les uns et trop restrictive pour les autres, qui devrait être la plus débattue au Congrès.

 

«Ne pas répéter les erreurs du passé»

 

Les républicains, traditionnellement attachés à l’idée d’un exécutif fort, sont majoritairement hostiles à toute restriction concernant le déploiement de troupes au sol, pour ne pas informer l’ennemi des plans militaires américains et afin de parer à toute éventualité dans un conflit qui s’annonce long.

«Toute autorisation d’usage de la force militaire doit donner à nos chefs militaires la flexibilité et le pouvoir nécessaires pour réussir et protéger notre peuple», a déclaré John Boehner, le président républicain de la Chambre des représentants. «Je suis inquiet que la demande du président ne remplisse pas cette condition».

Barack Obama «doit expliquer pourquoi il cherche à lier ses propres mains en limitant des pouvoirs qu’il a déjà clamés», a dit Mac Thornberry, président de la commission de la Défense de la Chambre.

A l’inverse, de nombreux démocrates traumatisés par la guerre d’Irak, que beaucoup avaient approuvée avant de le regretter, souhaitent interdire strictement le déploiement de troupes de combat.

«Nous avons la responsabilité d’agir contre l’EI», a indiqué le sénateur démocrate Patrick Leahy, «mais nous devons le faire sans répéter les erreurs du passé, et sans voter d’autorisation illimitée, qui pourrait se transformer en justification légale pour de futures actions contre des ennemis inconnus, dans des endroits inconnus, à une date inconnue».

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12 février 2015 4 12 /02 /février /2015 08:20
Obama proposes war authorization against Islamic State

 

February 11, 2015 marinecorpstimes (AP)

 

WASHINGTON — President Barack Obama asked Congress Wednesday to formally authorize military force against the Islamic State group, arguing the militants could pose a threat to the U.S. homeland if their violent power grab goes unchecked and urging lawmakers to "show the world we are united in our resolve to counter the threat." The president elected on a promise to end America's wars is sending Congress a proposed joint resolution to authorize military force against the swift rise of Islamic State extremists, who are imposing violent rule across Iraq and Syria and have brazenly killed U.S. and allied hostages in brutal online propaganda videos.

 

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11 février 2015 3 11 /02 /février /2015 08:20
Army Asks for More Money to Upgrade Abrams Tanks

 

, February 9th, 2015 By Michael Hoffman - dodbuzz.com

 

Army leaders have thus far taken up a losing battle against Congress to temporarily halt funding for its Abrams tanks. However, that changed in its latest budget proposal as the service has reversed course and asked for 50 percent more funding for the M1 Abrams tank over last year.

 

Army Chief of Staff Gen. Ray Odierno told Congress in 2o12 that the Army wanted to spend money on other modernization priorities. Congress pushed back saying it was a mistake to shut down the production line of the M1 tank, which is located in Lima, Ohio, even if it’s a temporary shut down. The Army would risk losing the skilled workers at the plants and spend more on training when they needed to reopen the production line for the Abrams upgrades the Army had said it needed in 2017.

The Army apparently listened to the critique, as service officials requested $368 million for upgrades to the M1 tank. Last year, the Army asked for $237 million.

 

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17 novembre 2014 1 17 /11 /novembre /2014 08:20
2016 US Defense Budget Could Be $60B Over Spending Caps

 

Nov. 16, 2014 - By PAUL McLEARY – Defense News

 

WASHINGTON — As the White House and Pentagon pass drafts of the fiscal 2016 defense budget back and forth before submitting it to Congress early next year, the base budget request possibly could exceed congressionally mandated spending caps by as much as $60 billion, according to a former defense official with knowledge of the discussions.

 

Administration and defense officials have said for months that the 2011 Budget Control Act (BCA), which limits how much the Pentagon can spend, wouldn’t fully constrain the 2016 request. But a source with knowledge of a meeting between President Barack Obama and the Joint Chiefs of Staff said the chiefs have pushed for an increase of $60 billion over the $535 billion cap for defense, with another $10 billion for Department of Energy programs.

 

While the number might appear high, Pentagon and administration plans to push past the cap are no surprise.

 

On Nov. 6, Alan Estevez, principal deputy undersecretary of defense for acquisition, technology and logistics, told an audience at a procurement conference in Washington that “we’re going to propose a budget next January and it’s going to be above sequestration levels.”

 

Deputy Defense Secretary Bob Work recently estimated that the Pentagon would fall short about $70 billion in next year’s budget if Congress didn’t allow it to shift money around the way the building sees fit.

 

“If you add up all of the things that Congress told us no, after we submitted our budget, it’s $31 billion in noes,” Work said on Sept. 30. “No, you can’t get rid of the A-10. No, you can’t get rid of the U-2. No, you can’t get rid of those cruisers. No, no, no, no, no, no, no. And then, no, you can’t do the compensation reform.”

 

Add to this the billions that Pentagon officials now say will be needed to modernize the nuclear weapons programs, and the sequester caps give less and less room for issues like real compensation reform and starting expensive new programs, such as a long-range bomber.

 

Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel told reporters that billions of dollars in new investments are needed to fund critical nuclear upgrades in the coming years.

 

Hagel said the new investments would total “several” billion a year in the coming years, and that the Pentagon aims to spend at least 10 percent more each year for the next five years than it does on the nuclear upgrades and modernization programs.

 

The 2016 budget has long been looked at as something of a mile marker in Washington’s struggle to turn the page on more than a decade of inflated wartime budgets and massive supplemental requests that filled in the blanks in procurement and readiness accounts.

 

Still, there is tension.

 

“It’s clear that the Pentagon leadership is prepping the battlefield now with Congress for another cap-busting budget request that is likely higher than even last year,” said Mackenzie Eaglen, an analyst at the American Enterprise Institute.

 

But “the best the Pentagon is going to get is another Ryan-Murray deal” that offers short-term fixes to sequestration, she said, since there is likely little political appetite to actually do away with the law or offer a more permanent fix.

 

“It’s not a surprise if the base budget comes in at least $50 billion above the caps” set out in the BCA, Eaglen said.

 

Politics and legacy-building likely also play a role.

 

“You have the president putting out the last request that he will also execute the full year of, so that is an argument for seeing more money,” said Ryan Crotty, deputy director for defense budget analysis at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

 

“But part of the politics of it is keeping the request at a level where it’s not going to be rejected out of hand” by a new Republican-controlled Congress in no mood to do the White House any favors, even if it supports a strong defense, and with its eye on dismantling big domestic programs like Obamacare. That same Congress will also be hostile to new taxes to make room for a rising defense budget.

 

Still, the amount of money the Hill will ultimately allow the Pentagon to keep will have to remain within limits.

 

Even the Congressional Budget Office, in a Nov. 6 report, estimated that given the modernization and compensation needs the Pentagon has laid out for upcoming years, the base budget requests between 2015 and 2019 will likely be $47 billion higher per year than the levels designated by the BCA.

 

But not everyone is convinced that these numbers will end up seeing the light of day.

 

“We’re not going to roll back sequestration entirely; we may get relief at the margin, but DoD is going to be living with lower budget resource levels than its plan of last year,” said Byron Callan, director at Capital Alpha Partners.

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16 novembre 2014 7 16 /11 /novembre /2014 08:20
Fight Over A-10 Re-opens Hill, US Air Force Divide

 

Nov. 15, 2014 - By AARON MEHTA – Defense News

 

WASHINGTON — After a relatively quiet summer, the battle for the future of the A-10 Warthog exploded in the last two weeks, reopening deep fissures between Congress and the US Air Force that seem to show the two sides at a total stalemate.

 

The A-10 issue — the Air Force wants to scrap it, Congress wants to keep it — has aroused a passionate array of protectors in a way the Air Force seemed unprepared to deal with. At this point, neither side in the debate is willing to trust the other’s ideas or facts.

 

Deborah Lee James, service secretary, acknowledged in July that the service needs to do a better job of showing “consistency” to members of Congress, and the drive to better relations with the Hill was highlighted as a key part in the service’s newest 30-year strategy document.

 

While that is a noble goal, those in the trenches indicate trust is still a hard concept for the two sides, particularly when the A-10 is involved.

 

The relations between the Hill and the Air Force have been degrading since the middle of the last decade, said Mackenzie Eaglen of the American Enterprise Institute.

 

“There is no doubt that is an issue, and this current crop of leadership has tried hard to steer the vessel in a new direction and to slowly move the organization back to a place of mutual trust with the Hill,” Eaglen said.

 

The current A-10 fight “just goes to show how deep the damage has been and how lasting the effects are,” she added.

 

Emotions are running high on both sides, creating a winner-take-all culture that is unlikely to result in any sort of compromise.

 

One Hill staffer who has been engaged with the service on the A-10 issue said there is a feeling the service plays with facts and figures to force its argument down the throat of Congress.

 

“Their arguments come up, don’t stand up to facts, we push back, we don’t get satisfying responses, and my assessment is the Air Force wants to retire the A-10 and they don’t want to find a solution to make it work,” the staffer said.

 

Rep. Ron Barber, an Arizona Democrat who made saving the A-10 a key part of his re-election campaign, expressed frustration with the service during a Nov. 13 rally in support of the plane.

 

“We’ve seen several attempts by the Air Force to go around our decisions, to make moves to divest even though we told them not to,” Barber added, his voice rising in anger. “We will continue to tell them to listen to the will of Congress.

 

“The Air Force, they are persistent. But so are we. We’re not going to give up this fight until we prevail.”

 

On the other side, two Air Force officials complained that the Hill ignores the service’s analysis supporting the need to retire the Warthog.

 

Those officials singled out Sen. Kelly Ayotte, R-N.H., as particularly dug in on the issue, and complained that her office doesn’t offer any alternatives when it rejects options brought forth from the Air Force.

 

“The options, we’ve [explained] — in exquisite detail — why those aren’t feasible options,” one official said, “it comes down to, she just doesn’t believe us.”

 

“If they had something to offer, believe me, we would go take a look at it,” the second official said.

 

Maintenance Battle Lines

 

The latest fight over maintainers is a perfect summary of the situation.

 

The Air Force is claiming that its planned Aug. 16 initial operating capability (IOC) date for its fleet of F-35A joint strike fighters is now in peril because the A-10 cannot be retired, as a large chunk of the 1,100 maintainers needed for IOC on the stealthy jet were to be moved from the stood-down fleet of Warthogs.

 

Members of Congress who appeared at a Nov. 13 event supporting the A-10, including Ayotte, expressed skepticism over the sudden use of the F-35 as a talking point.

 

“The Air Force has continued to make this a false choice between the F-35 and the A-10,” Ayotte said, noting the argument has just appeared on the scene after previous talking points failed to retire the Warthog. “How many different arguments has the Air Force made along the way?”

 

“I’m not trying to impugn their motives,” the senator later told Defense News. “I just think they have been of the mindset from the beginning to retire this airframe, and that mindset doesn’t seem to have shifted despite the Congress weighing in pretty clearly on this.”

 

The service officials countered by saying they looked at 11 choices for how to handle this issue, and while it weighed them all, the A-10 retirement remains the best choice.

 

Take two of those 11 choices as examples of the “he said, she said” nature of the discussion.

 

One option would involve finding Air National Guard volunteers to come online and take over some F-35 maintenance work. The Air Force officials said that plan has many flaws, including requiring pulling Guardsmen from their units and the fact their civilian jobs would not be guaranteed without a full mobilization order from the president.

 

The staffer disagreed with that assessment, concluding that the service could find a way to make it work. “After interviews and exchanges I’ve had with the Air Force, I was left with the impression they have not fully explored the mobilization option,” the staffer said.

 

What about turning to contract maintainers? Could Lockheed Martin workers, already familiar with the F-35, chip in?

 

The Air Force claims it will take a year to spin up those contractors and establish a contract vehicle to get them on board. But the staffer believes there is a contracting vehicle in place through existing agreements with Lockheed.

 

Eaglen believes both sides have an argument, but are simply talking past each other at this point.

 

“The Hill is right the Air Force has lots of options, and the Air Force is right they probably chose the best one,” she said. “Just because there is another option doesn’t make it the best option that hurts the [least].”

 

Perhaps most telling, the Air Force is talking with members of the Hill about a partial retirement — shutting down three A-10 squadrons, or about 72 planes, which the service officials said would free up enough maintainers to handle F-35A IOC.

 

On the face, that would seem like a compromise. The Air Force gets enough planes retired for its requirement, while keeping the Warthog around to protect troops on the ground. But the Hill staffer derided that idea, calling it “just another version of the same plan to divest the A-10, and that is not a compromise.

 

“There is a pattern here of ‘give me what I’m asking for,’ but framing it as a compromise,” the staffer said. “This is not the first time they’ve done this. They tried to send some to the boneyard and called it a ‘compromise.’ That’s not a compromise. That’s how you divest things.”

 

Both Barber and Ayotte have rejected that option, leaving the service and Congress once again at loggerheads — and growing increasingly frustrated with each other.

 

“The Air Force doesn’t want to find a creative solution of fully [maintaining] the F-35A, which is a requirement they’ve known about for years and should not have been surprised by,” the staffer said. “The question is whether they want to.”

 

“We’ve gone through it and they haven’t been able to provide us with a viable option,” the first Air Force official countered.

 

At the start of the summer, Eaglen expected the A-10 fight to end as these things usually do — with the Air Force getting its way, even if it had to wait a year or two. Now, she’s not certain that is true.

 

“I’m surprised at the ferocity of the A-10 community,” she said. “They punch above their weight class. I’ve seen this fight play out a million times before and it doesn’t turn out this way normally. Eventually the services get their way. But there are always exceptions, and this may prove to be one of them.

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15 novembre 2014 6 15 /11 /novembre /2014 22:20
Obsolete A-10 Thunderbolt Becomes A Symbol Of American Air Power’s Decline (From Forbes)

 

November 14, 2014. Loren B. Thompson, Ph.D - lexingtoninstitute.org

 

The A-10 Thunderbolt II, affectionately known as the Warthog, has become a drag on American air power.  Conceived during the Vietnam War to provide close air support to ground forces, the 40-year-old tank killer is outdated — too slow to survive in contested air space, too focused on a single mission to give the joint force the flexibility it needs.  And yet a handful of legislators are seeking to block retirement of the aging Warthog, even though that means depriving the next-generation F-35A fighter of the experienced maintainers it needs to become operational in 2016.  Rather than letting fond memories of the Warthog’s former glory impede progress, Congress should give the Air Force the flexibility it needs to manage its fleet.  Failing in that, Congress should loosen spending caps legislated in 2011 so that keeping A-10 in the force doesn’t harm other facets of U.S. air power.  I have written a commentary for Forbes here.

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4 avril 2014 5 04 /04 /avril /2014 07:20
USAF Submits $8B Unfunded List to Congress

The Air Force's 2015 unfunded priorities list includes five HC-130Js. (Air Force)

 

Apr. 3, 2014 - By MARCUS WEISGERBER – Defense News


 

WASHINGTON — The US Air Force has sent Congress an $8 billion unfunded priorities list, with more than $3.3 billion eyed for new procurement programs, according to a copy of the list obtained by Defense News.

The undated list includes $200 million for the Combat Rescue Helicopter program, a last-minute add to the five-year spending projection contained in the Pentagon’s fiscal 2015 budget proposal, which was sent to Capitol Hill in early March.

The list also includes more than $400 million for five Lockheed Martin F-35 joint strike fighters — two for the Air Force and three for international sales.

The list includes funding for five Lockheed MC-130Js, five HC-130Js and 12 General Atomics MQ-9 Reaper unmanned aircraft. Two F-35s, the C-130Js and Reapers also appeared in the White House’s Opportunity, Growth and Security Initiative.

About $1.6 billion of the funding would go toward more than five dozen weapons programs, for upgrade and enhancement work.

Another $3 billion would go toward facility maintenance.

In addition, the Air National Guard sent Congress a separate $2.6 billion 2015 unfunded priority list.

The wish list includes $720 million that would be used to purchase 10 new C-130Js. The aircraft would replace a squadron of C-130H aircraft.

The list includes $1.4 billion for modernization of Guard airlift, fighter and rescue aircraft. The eyed upgrades include electronic warfare suites, sensors, situational awareness displays and navigation equipment.

Another $40 million is eyed for five Air Guard cyber protection teams

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4 avril 2014 5 04 /04 /avril /2014 07:20
DoD Sends Congress $36B Wish List, But Passage Unlikely

The US Air Force requested 12 General Atomics Reapers in the unfunded list.

 

Apr. 3, 2014 - By MARCUS WEISGERBER  - Defense News


 

WASHINGTON — The US military services have sent Congress wish lists that include $36 billion in priority items that were not included in the Pentagon’s 2015 budget proposal.

But actual passage of the lists seems unlikely.

The lists are very similar to the White House’s Opportunity, Growth and Security Initiative (OGSI), which includes $26 billion in defense items not included in the Defense Department’s $496 billion spending request.

Some of the overlap items include:

■ Two Air Force Lockheed Martin F-35 joint strike fighters ($372 million).

■ 10 Air Force Lockheed C-130Js, five MC-130J and five HC-130J variants ($1 billion).

■ 12 General Atomics Reapers ($192 million).

■ Eight Boeing P-8 maritime patrol aircraft ($1.1 billion)

■ Two Boeing CH-47 Chinook helicopters, according to Bloomberg (about $100 million).

■ 28 Sikorsky Black Hawk helicopters, according to Bloomberg (about $500 million).

■ One Northrop Grumman E-2D command-and-control plane ($146 million).

■ One Lockheed KC-130J tanker for the Marine Corps ($75 million).

But the service wish lists include other procurement items, including:

■ $200 million for the Air Force Combat Rescue Helicopter program.

■ $2.1 billion for 22 Boeing EA-18 Growler jamming aircraft for the Navy.

■ $720 million for 10 C-130J for the Air National Guard.

■ $1 billion for six F-35, five F-35Cs and one F-35B for the Marine Corps.

The wish lists also include tens of billions of dollars for upgrades, maintenance and construction projects, that have been reduced or deferred due to lower defense spending levels imposed by defense budget caps or cuts by sequestration.

Rep. Buck McKeon, R-Calif., chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, requested the lists from the services this year. The Army, Navy, Marine Corps, Air Force, Army National Guard and Air National Guard all sent the list to him this week. Defense News obtained all of the lists except the Army’s.

The top lines figures for each wish list are:

■ Army, $10.6 billion, according to Bloomberg.

■ Navy, $10.6 billion.

■ Marine Corps, $2.5 billion.

■ Air Force, $8 billion.

■ Army National Guard, $1.5 billion.

■ Air National Guard, $2.6 billion.

But the chances of any of the items in these wish lists and OGSI getting approved is slim, since defense spending is capped at $496 billion.

“It is not going to happen,” said Gordon Adams, a Stimson Center analyst who ran defense budgeting during the Clinton administration.

During a roundtable with reporters on Thursday, McKeon was asked what kind of chance the $26 billion OSGI had of passage. He made a “zero” gesture with his fingers.

“We already did the budget this year,” he said.

Lawmakers are unwilling to renegotiate the spending caps established in the two-year budget deal struck late last year by Rep. Paul Ryan, R-Wis., and Sen. Patty Murray, D-Wash., Adams said.

“This is political three-ring circus, but it’s not budgeting,” Adams said. “The thing that really concerns me about it is that it totally undermines planning discipline in the Pentagon.”

DoD submitted a five-year spending plan to Congress that exceeds the spending caps between 2016 and 2019 by $115 billion.

The wish lists submitted to Congress this week — called unfunded priorities or unfunded requirements — were a flashback to last decade when the services would send lawmakers lists totaling tens-of-billions of dollars.

At its high point, the Air Force submitted a $20 billion wish list of items desired by service brass, at a time when military spending, already at an all-time high.

Then-Defense Secretary Robert Gates truncated the lists substantially during his tenure at the Pentagon to the point where they were no longer produced in 2013.

Unlike in prior years, the National Guard submitted unfunded lists this year.

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5 mars 2014 3 05 /03 /mars /2014 17:20
CRS Reports on Littoral Combat Ship Program

March 5, 2014 defense-aerospace.com

(Source: Congressional Research Service; dated February 25, 2014)

 

Navy Littoral Combat Ship (LCS) Program: Background and Issues for Congress



On February 24, 2014, Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel announced that the Department of Defense (DOD) intends to truncate the Navy’s Littoral Combat Ship (LCS) program to 32 ships—a reduction of 20 ships from the previously planned total of 52 LCSs.

Through FY2014, a total of 20 LCSs have been funded. Under the Navy’s FY2014 budget submission, LCSs 21 through 24 were scheduled to be requested for procurement in FY2015.

As a successor to the LCS program, Secretary Hagel announced on February 24 that the Navy is to submit “alternative proposals to procure a capable and lethal small surface combatant, generally consistent with the capabilities of a frigate. I’ve directed the Navy to consider a completely new design, existing ship designs, and a modified LCS.”

DOD’s desire to truncate the LCS program to 32 ships and begin work on a new ship generally consistent with the capabilities of a frigate raises several potential oversight questions for Congress, including the analytical basis for DOD’s plan to truncate the LCS program, and the analytical basis and acquisition–process foundation for DOD’s plan to succeed the LCS program with a program for a ship generally consistent with the capabilities of a frigate.

The LCS is a relatively inexpensive Navy surface combatant equipped with modular “plug-and-fight” mission packages for countering mines, small boats, and diesel-electric submarines, particularly in littoral (i.e., near-shore) waters. Two very different LCS designs are being built.

One was developed by an industry team led by Lockheed; the other was developed by an industry team that was led by General Dynamics. The Lockheed design is built at the Marinette Marine shipyard at Marinette, WI; the General Dynamics design is built at the Austal USA shipyard at Mobile, AL.

The 20 LCSs procured or scheduled for procurement in FY2010-FY2015 (LCSs 5 through 24) are being procured under a pair of 10-ship, fixed-price incentive (FPI) block buy contracts that the Navy awarded to Lockheed and Austal USA on December 29, 2010.

The LCS program has become controversial due to past cost growth, design and construction issues with the lead ships built to each design, concerns over the ships’ survivability (i.e., ability to withstand battle damage), and concerns over whether the ships are sufficiently armed and would be able to perform their stated missions effectively. Some observers, citing one or more of these issues, have proposed truncating the LCS program. In response to criticisms of the LCS program, the Navy has acknowledged certain problems and stated that it was taking action to correct them, disputed other arguments made against the program, and (until February 24, 2014) maintained its support for completing the planned program of 52 ships.


Click here for the full report (90 PDF pages) hosted by the Federation of American Scientists.

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25 septembre 2013 3 25 /09 /septembre /2013 07:20
CRS Looks at U.S. Special Operations Forces

September 24, 2013 defense-aerospace.com

(Source: Congressional Research Service; issued Sept. 18, 2013)

 

U.S. Special Operations Forces (SOF): Background and Issues for Congress



Special Operations Forces (SOF) play a significant role in U.S. military operations, and the Administration has given U.S. SOF greater responsibility for planning and conducting worldwide counterterrorism operations.

U.S. Special Operations Command (USSOCOM) has about 67,000 active duty, National Guard, and reserve personnel from all four services and Department of Defense (DOD) civilians assigned to its headquarters, its four components, and one sub-unified command.

In February 2013, based on a request from USSOCOM and the concurrence of Geographic and Functional Combatant Commanders and Military Service Chiefs and Secretaries, the Secretary of Defense reassigned the Theater Special Operations Commands (TSOCs) to USSOCOM. This means that USSOCOM now has the responsibility to organize, train, and equip TSOCs as it previously had for all assigned SOF units. While USSOCOM is now responsible for the organizing, training, and equipping of TSOCs, the Geographic Combatant Commands will continue to have operational control over the TSOCs.

The current Unified Command Plan (UCP) stipulates USSOCOM is responsible only for synchronizing planning for global operations to combat terrorist networks. This limits its ability to conduct activities designed to deter emerging threats, build relationships with foreign militaries, and potentially develop greater access to foreign militaries. USSOCOM is proposing changes that would, in addition to its current responsibilities, include the responsibility for deploying and, when directed, employing SOF globally with the approval of the Geographic Combatant Command.

In March 2013, Secretary of Defense Chuck Hagel directed a DOD-wide Strategic Choices Management Review (SCMR). SCMR proposals include a possible reduction of USSOCOM and Service Component Headquarters by as much as 20%, a reduction in headquarters intelligence staff and capabilities, and possible reductions to SOF force structure.

USSOCOM’s FY2014 budget request was $7.483 billion for Operations and Maintenance; $373.693 million for Research, Development, Test, & Evaluation; $1.614 billion for Procurement; and $441.528 million for Military Construction funding. These totals reflect both base budget and Overseas Contingency Operations (OCO) requests.

The House and Senate versions of the FY2014 National Defense Authorization Act recommended selected cuts in Operations and Maintenance funding, including limitations on spending for selected proposed family support programs, Regional SOF Coordination Centers, and the USSOCOM National Capitol Region.

The House and Senate Defense Appropriations bills also recommended cuts to the Operations and Maintenance budget request and had similar limitations on family support programs, Regional SOF Coordination Centers, USSOCOM National Capitol Region as well as expressed concern “regarding the quality of the operation and maintenance budget justification submitted by the Special Operations Command (SOCOM).”

Potential issues for Congress include U.S. SOF, the SCMR, and the upcoming 2014 QDR and the Global SOF Network and related concerns about its necessity and how certain aspects of this network will be developed in a highly resource-constrained budgetary environment. This report will be updated.


Click here for the full report (27 PDF pages) hosted on the website of the Federation of American Scientists (FAS).

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10 septembre 2013 2 10 /09 /septembre /2013 12:20
Army Sets Date to Release Much-Anticipated Industrial Base Report

The Joint Systems Manufacturing Center in Lima, Ohio, is building Abrams tanks the Army says it doesn't need. (General Dynamics Land Systems)

 

Sep. 8, 2013 - By PAUL McLEARY – Defense News

 

STERLING HEIGHTS, MICH. — The US Army has set itself a Dec. 15 deadline to brief Congress on the results of a comprehensive study of its ground vehicle industrial base that it began in 2012, according to a draft document obtained by Defense News.

 

The Army contracted with consulting firm AT Kearney to do the study early last year, and service leaders hope it will shed more light on which defense companies are most at risk and, more importantly, which key second- and third-tier suppliers must be supported in order to keep their lines running during the coming vehicle-procurement lull.

 

The 18-page July document, titled “M1 Abrams Tank Upgrade and Bradley Fighting Vehicle Industrial Base Study Preliminary Findings,” says that when it comes to heavy manufacturing capacity the US defense sector actually “exceeds known demand for current programs and for planned future programs.”

 

The problem, according to military vehicle manufacturers like General Dynamics Land Systems and BAE Systems, is that the demand for ground vehicles is about to take a serious — and dangerous — dip once Abrams and Bradley new builds end in 2015.

 

The report recognizes that, saying “the demand profile for programs within the Army’s ground combat systems indicate a significant decrease in demand between 2015 and 2019” as many programs transition from production to sustainment. If programs like the Joint Light Tactical Vehicle (JLTV), Ground Combat Vehicle (GCV), Armored Multi-Purpose Vehicle (AMPV) and the new Marine Corps amphibious vehicles survive the coming budget ax, production will ramp up sharply in 2019. But until then, “the industrial base’s current manufacturing network has a significant amount of overcapacity.”

 

Overall, the Pentagon will have to gut its budget by about $20 billion in fiscal 2014 if the sequestration cuts are unchanged by a deal between the White House and Congress, Frank Kendall, the undersecretary of defense for acquisition, technology and logistics, told the Reuters Aerospace and Defense Summit on Sept. 4.

 

Speaking at an event in Washington on July 29, Army Chief of Staff Gen. Raymond Odierno warned that none of the above programs are safe. Due to sequestration, the Army may be forced to delay or even cancel the GCV program. Since the Army is having a hard time figuring out how to take savings out of personnel accounts, “we have to consider everything,” he said.

 

When it comes to the health of the ground vehicle industrial base, “one of the impacts that is most overlooked is the effect on small businesses” said Mark Signorelli, vice president and general manager of vehicle systems for BAE Systems.

 

During a tour of the company’s engineering and prototyping center in Sterling Hills, Mich., Signorelli called the shuttering of some small, specialized businesses that supply parts to the defense industry “a major loss.”

 

He added that the Army understands the concerns of industry and the two are working together to try to retain key capabilities that will be difficult to maintain absent new domestic or foreign orders before 2019.

 

“We’ve mitigated the major risks” in fiscal 2014 for the company’s Bradley Fighting Vehicle line, he said, “but we still can’t support the entire supply base. There will be layoffs.”

 

While there have already been layoffs among the major defense suppliers as wartime production demands have waned, “I don’t think we’ve seen the effects of sequestration yet,” he warned.

 

Signorelli said the company’s Bradley manufacturing line at York, Pa., will run out of work in the middle of 2015, barring any extra reset or new build work. That would leave it dormant for more than two years before any GCV or AMPV work comes along, providing the company wins either contract.

 

Even if the GCV makes it to full production, however, it “would be impacted” by any damage done to the supplier base that makes up the Bradley industrial base, said Deepak Bazaz, head of GCV design and development for BAE.

 

Another critical manufacturing base, the Joint Systems Manufacturing Center in Lima, Ohio, where General Dynamics manufactures the Abrams tank, actually received an injection of $181 million more than the Army requested in fiscal 2013, which the service is using to buy more tanks — vehicles the Army has repeatedly said it doesn’t want or need.

 

But lobbying by General Dynamics has paid off in the form of $114 million to buy 12 new Abrams M1A2 Systems Enhancement Program tanks for the National Guard by December 2015. The Army will also purchase 48 more transmissions from Allison Transmission for $26 million and spend $41 million on additional forward-looking infrared sensors to keep those segments of the industrial base warm through the end of 2015.

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10 juillet 2013 3 10 /07 /juillet /2013 12:30
Syrie: le Congrès US contre la livraison d’armes américaines aux rebelles

MOSCOU, 10 juillet - RIA Novosti

 

L'opposition syrienne ne recevra probablement pas d’aide militaire américaine dans un avenir proche. Du moins officiellement - car les rebelles reçoivent déjà depuis longtemps des armes de l'Otan d'une manière officieuse, écrit le quotidien Rossiïskaïa gazeta du 10 juillet 2013.

 

Les comités pour le renseignement des deux chambres du Congrès américain se sont une nouvelle fois opposés au président Barack Obama en décidant de bloquer son initiative d’aide militaire directe à l'opposition syrienne. Leur argument? Ils n'ont pas envie de dépenser de l’argent pour ça. Leur décision s'explique par une crainte - tout à fait justifiée - de l'avenir de cet armement : ce dernier pourrait facilement tomber entre les mains des terroristes, y compris des combattants liés à Al-Qaïda. Moscou a déjà plusieurs fois prévenu Washington d'une telle éventualité.

 

Les parlementaires ont pris leur décision en fonction d’informations secrètes. Ces informations étaient-elle donc inaccessibles à Barack Obama quand il a annoncé sa volonté sincère d'aider les séparatistes à renverser le régime de Bachar al-Assad?

 

Les experts américains soulignent que ces limitations suffisent pour empêcher les livraisons d'armes en Syrie. Mais il semble évident qu’en jugeant ainsi la situation ils prennent leurs désirs pour des réalités: nul n'ignore l'existence des "caisses noires" de la CIA et d'autres services américains qui ont assez d'argent pour financer plus d'une guerre régionale.

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26 juin 2013 3 26 /06 /juin /2013 10:20
The Global Hawk has provided high-altitude, long-endurance ISR for the Air Force since the late 1990s, but the service says it no longer needs the unmanned aircraft. (Air Force)

The Global Hawk has provided high-altitude, long-endurance ISR for the Air Force since the late 1990s, but the service says it no longer needs the unmanned aircraft. (Air Force)

Jun. 24, 2013 - By ARAM ROSTON- Defense News

 

June is the start of the rainy season in the South Pacific, six months of storms that come in fast and unpredictable. And when the wind starts blowing, that takes its toll on U.S. intelligence-gathering far off in North Korea.

 

A substantial amount of the intel on the Hermit Kingdom comes from the three massive Global Hawk unmanned surveillance planes based at Andersen Air Force Base in Guam. Because of special flight restrictions, the Global Hawks can’t fly over thunderstorms, nor, without a way to see the clouds ahead, can they go around them. So whenever a hint of bad weather arose on the route Global Hawk was assigned last year from Guam, the missions were canceled. Last year, the UAVs were grounded for an entire month, says a source with knowledge of the operation.

 

This susceptibility to South Pacific cyclones is adding new energy to the political hurricane raging in Washington over the future of the expensive UAVs.

 

It’s been a year and a half since the Air Force said it no longer needs the Global Hawk. The service argued that the UAVs, each built for more than $200 million, don’t do their jobs as well as the time-tested U-2 manned spy plane. So the Air Force wants to take the entire fleet of 18 Global Hawks and park them in the “boneyard” — the aircraft storage facility at Davis-Monthan Air Force Base, Ariz. That’s the functional equivalent of throwing 135 tons of the world’s most advanced robotic flying machines into the trash heap.

 

Now the battle lines are forming in what may be an epic contracting war. On the one side, swinging hard, is Global Hawk-maker Northrop Grumman. It has some powerful arguments, and it has members of Congress who say the Air Force needs to fall in line. On the other side is the Air Force, fighting to keep the U-2, which was built by Lockheed Martin.

 

'ESSENTIAL TO NATIONAL SECURITY'

 

At 70,000 feet, a U-2 pilot flying northwest along the boundary of North Korean airspace can turn his head to the right, and through the visor of his spacesuit he will see the silhouette of Earth’s curvature. Then he will see a silent green phosphorescent flash before the sky suddenly goes dark.

 

They call that flash “the terminator.” No U-2 pilot ever forgets it. Until just two years ago, the U-2 program itself — the workhorse of high-altitude intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance for 60 years — was due to be terminated, too.

 

For a time, the Global Hawk versus U-2 debate revolved around age. The U-2, its critics said, was of a different era, before UAVs. After all, any pilot flying the U-2 now wasn’t even born when the program started back in 1955.

 

But now, as one Air Force pilot points out, “This is not your grandfather’s U-2.” For example, today’s U-2S jets have pressurized cockpits, although the pilots still wear spacesuits in case anything goes wrong.

 

Lockheed Martin’s Robert Dunn said the U-2S has a long way to go before it needs to be decommissioned. “The airplanes we are flying today are certified to 75,000 flight hours. The average airframe is 14,000,” he said.

 

If the U-2 is the aging champion, then in the other corner of the ring is the upstart Global Hawk. A feat of modern engineering, the autonomous plane can fly for 32 hours straight when conditions are right. That’s far longer than the U-2, though not as high and with a smaller payload.

 

Ironically, the now-costly Global Hawk program was birthed during the cutbacks of the Clinton years. The Air Force was enthusiastic about its huge, high-flying UAV, and it pushed for more and more capacity for the planes. The first operational lot, the Block 10s, couldn’t carry enough weight, so the next generation was bigger and more ambitious. It was about more sensors, more power, more payload.

 

Initially pitched as a $35 million aircraft, costs ballooned over the years by 284 percent, according to the Congressional Research Service. Much of that was due to the Air Force’s shifting requirements. (It’s now estimated at about $220 million per plane including development costs.)

 

The Air Force, for a time, was the Global Hawk’s biggest cheerleader, although the history has been complex and sometimes contradictory.

 

In early 2011 for example, the Defense Department’s director of operational test and evaluation said “the system was not operationally effective for conducting near-continuous, persistent ISR operations.”

 

Then, in June 2011, shortly before the Global Hawk was fielded, Air Force officials certified the project as “essential to national security.” It was meant to ensure that Congress continued to fund the program, but the proclamation would begin to haunt the service just months later.

 

BONEYARD

 

In January 2012, the Air Force announced a drastic turnaround: It would terminate the Global Hawk program.

 

It provoked a firestorm — and a heavy public advocacy campaign on Capitol Hill by those who support the plane. Like many major modern weapons, its subcontractors are widely distributed across the United States, ensuring a broad base of political support. Northrop Grumman’s website notes that all but 15 states manufacture some part of the Global Hawk.

 

Experts were confounded that the Air Force had changed its mind so quickly.

 

And Congress put its foot down.

 

In the 2013 National Defense Authorization Act signed earlier this year, Congress told the Air Force it would have to fly the Global Hawks it had already (16 plus two being built) through the year 2014. The service “shall maintain the operational capability of each RQ-4 Block 30 Global Hawk unmanned aircraft system belonging to the Air Force or delivered to the Air Force.”

 

And to make sure no Global Hawk went on to the boneyard, the act was specific: No money “may be obligated or expended to retire, prepare to retire, or place in storage an RQ-4 Block 30 Global Hawk unmanned aircraft system.”

 

All of which sets the stage for the current conflict on the Hill.

 

Meanwhile, the 2013 Defense Appropriations Act went further. The service had resisted ordering new planes, on the assumption that by the time they were delivered, they’d be going right to the boneyard. Now the Air Force was told to go order three of the planes that had previously been budgeted for in 2012. “The Secretary of the Air Force shall obligate and expend funds previously appropriated,” for the plane.

 

But the Air Force has resisted. As another officer said, “Why are they making us spend money on something we don’t want or need?”

 

That attitude has irked some Northrop Grumman supporters on Capitol Hill.

 

In May, Rep. James Moran, D-Va., and Rep. Buck McKeon, R-Calif., wrote a stinging letter to Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel demanding that the Air Force do what it was told.

 

“The Air Force has continued to ignore clear Congressional intent,” they said.

 

And the House Armed Services Committee in June voted for a new defense authorization bill that would force the Air Force to use the Global Hawks until 2016

 

'HOMESICK ANGEL'

 

Here’s a side-by-side comparison of the two platforms:

 

Power. The U-2’s engine, with 17,000 pounds of thrust, can push the plane beyond 65,000 feet within a half hour. “It climbs like a homesick angel,” said a U-2 pilot. The Global Hawk, powered by an engine with just 7,500 pounds of thrust, can take four hours to reach its ceiling of 60,000 feet, critics say.

 

Endurance. Global Hawk is the hands-down winner. It can fly up to 32 hours before returning to base. Some say that’s what matters. “This is no time to be getting rid of your long-range, long-endurance assets,” said Rebecca Grant, an analyst who has done work for Northrop Grumman. The U-2 is stretching it to fly 14 hours; more typical flights last 10. But its defenders note that the manned plane can be based closer to the action, say, in South Korea, where flight restrictions bar unmanned aircraft.

 

Altitude. Here, U-2 is the king, with a publicly disclosed ceiling of 70,000 and a true ceiling somewhere about 75,000 feet. Global Hawk tops out at 60,000 feet. For the Air Force, this has become the central issue. First, the U-2 gets above the weather. The worst storm in the world is “just fireworks below,” said a pilot. But the other issue is visibility. Simple geometry allows the U-2 to see farther into enemy territory than the Global Hawk. That really makes a difference. A ceiling of 60,000 feet versus 70,000 doesn’t sound like much but look at it this way: The main job of the plane in the near future will be flying over the borders of countries like China and North Korea from international airspace. The Air Force likes to see 80 or 100 miles into adversaries’ territory, and the U-2’s added height lets it do that.

 

Sensors. That’s what it’s all about. At first glance, the Global Hawk has the edge. It carries three sensors for its intelligence missions, and the U-2 carries only two. On top of that, the Global Hawk can switch in midflight between electro-optical and synthentic aperture radar. “To have the ability for a single weapons system to carry a SAR radar, electro-optical package, and SIGINT package,” said Tom Vice, Northrop Grumman’s president of Aerospace Systems, “it allows to you to fuse all three different types of intelligence products together at the same time.”

 

But the Air Force says the U-2 has a far better electro-optical sensor that gives it a hands-down win in the category. In a report to Congress this spring, the Air Force flatly said that “the current U-2 sensors are superior to those of the GH.” Key to that is a camera called SYERS II (Senior Year Electro-optic Reconnaissance System) manufactured by UTC Aerospace. It’s multispectral, unlike the Global Hawk’s camera, and it sees farther.

 

Price. The U-2s were all built years ago. It’s a bit like owning a 2000 Honda Accord — it’s already paid for, it will keep on going and it drives great. The Global Hawks, on the other hand, are still coming off the production line. But Northrop Grumman argues that most of the development costs have already been spent anyway, and the kinks of building a new system have only recently been ironed out. The Air Force says at this point that it is just spending good money on a system that doesn’t have what it takes.

 

As for operating costs, they are equivalent — $33,500 per hour. But as Northrop Grumman points out, the Global Hawk doesn’t need training flights and requires fewer takeoffs and landings. Even the Air Force, in a recent report, acknowledged that “the persistence advantage of [Global Hawk] manifests itself in lower execution costs.”

 

Among its various proposals, Northrop Grumman has made one that stands out. It is offering to provide a 10-year contractor logistics contract for the Global Hawk Block 30 for $250 million, as a fixed price. It made the offer, though, months after the Air Force decided to terminate the program.

 

CHASING SOLUTIONS

 

There is much disagreement on how much it would cost to upgrade the Global Hawk Block 30s, where there are shortfalls that need addressing. Take the sensors. The Air Force reported to Congress that “Upgrades to the GH Block 30 to achieve parity with the U-2 program require an expenditure of approximately $855 million.”

 

It might not be able to fly as high, but at least it could photograph as clearly.

 

Northrop Grumman’s defenders, eager to get the Air Force to change its mind, say the service is way off the mark. The company has offered to put better cameras on the Global Hawk for just $48 million.

 

“We’ve looked at that and we’ve addressed it,” Vice said. “We looked at how to open up our architecture. We’ve offered a firm fixed-price offer to the U.S. Air Force to integrate the SYERS sensors onto Global Hawk. And that would cost the Air Force only 6 percent of what the Air Force believed it would cost to upgrade the current Block 30 cameras. Guaranteed price; no risk to the government.”

 

Northrop Grumman’s $48 million versus the Air Force $855 million is an unresolved discrepancy, for the moment. One reason it can work: The company wants to simply remove the cameras from the competition — essentially cannibalizing the U-2.

 

As for the Global Hawk’s getting grounded in places like Guam, where it can’t be relied on during the rainy season, the plane’s supporters say that’s the Air Force’s fault in the first place because of onerous restrictions. Supporters argue that requiring the plane to fly 10,000 feet over clouds, and limiting it to one route was the problem that caused it to be grounded excessively.

 

Now it’s been given alternative routes, which supporters say will cut back on canceled missions.

 

The difficulty has been that Global Hawk is unmanned, without “sense and avoid” technology to meet air traffic requirements. Normally, a pilot could see the clouds and steer around them, but without a pilot, the Global Hawk can’t do that.

 

Northrop Grumman has told the Air Force it can put “weather diversion” cameras in the Guam-based Global Hawks. That way, the operators back at base will be able to see the clouds and reroute, just as they could if the pilot was flying.

 

The company pitched the idea to the Air Force, offering to install the cameras for $7 million.

 

MOTIVE

 

There are some analysts who believe that in spite of the Global Hawk’s shortfalls, the Air Force is making a mistake. .

 

“However you cut it, I think there is a good case for Global Hawk Block 30,” says Mark Gunzinger of the Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments. “The reasons cited for retiring the Block 30s don’t stand up under scrutiny. It’s worth questioning.”

 

But if the Air Force is really being disingenuous in terminating the Global Hawk, as its critics say, what would be the motive? That’s where the Northrop Grumman defenders are having a difficult time.

 

Is it, perhaps, a lingering bias against drones, a preference for the swaggering days of the piloted plane? At a House hearing in May where he castigated the Air Force for its decision on Global Hawk, Moran said as much: “The U-2, as you know, has a pilot. And I suspect that’s the real issue — the pilotless versus the piloted craft, even though the U-2 has been around longer than even some of the members of this subcommittee have been alive.”

 

Air Force Chief of Staff Gen. Mark Welsh protested: “Pilot being in the airplane had absolutely nothing to do with it. I couldn’t care less. We want the platform that will do the best job of accomplishing the mission assigned — manned or unmanned — and we’ve said that all along.”

 

And after all, the Air Force has hundreds of UAVs and continues to develop new ones. It’s a hard to argue that the service simply doesn’t like unmanned aviation any more.

 

If not a bias against planes, others say that it is just stubbornness: The Air Force has dug itself into an untenable position and because of bureaucracy, is unwilling to back down, they say.

 

Still, that does seem like a stretch, given what’s at stake. If the Air Force still says it doesn’t need to spend the hundreds of millions of dollars on a program it finds inadequate, it will be hard to argue with that in an era when sequestration is cutting everyone’s budget.

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6 juin 2013 4 06 /06 /juin /2013 07:20
Lawmakers Reject Withholding F-35 Funds

June 5, 2013 by Brendan McGarry - defensetech.org

 

A Republican-led defense panel in Congress easily rejected a proposal to withhold most funding for the F-35 fighter jet next year.

 

The House Armed Services Committee on June 5 voted 51–10 against the amendment sponsored by Rep. Tammy Duckworth, D-Ill., while debating its version of the 2014 defense authorization bill. The legislation sets policy goals and spending targets for fiscal 2014, which begins Oct. 1.

 

Calling it a “good government issue,” Duckworth proposed freezing procurement funding for the Joint Strike Fighter program until Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel certified that the manufacturer, Lockheed Martin Corp., fixed problems with the aircraft’s software and several pieces of hardware, including the helmet-mounted display, fuel dump system and arresting hook.

 

“I want contractors to be held accountable and I want to fix the technical problems before we give them another $6 billion of taxpayer money,” she said during the hearing. “There’s nothing wrong with flying before we buy. In fact, most of us test drive cars before we [buy].”

 

The Defense Department next year plans to spend $8.4 billion to buy 29 F-35 Lightning II aircraft, including 19 for the Air Force, six for the Marine Corps and four for the Navy. The funding includes $6.4 billion in procurement, $1.9 billion in research and development and $187 million in spares.

 

Duckworth said she has “serious concerns” that buying production models of the planes while they’re still being tested — a practice known in acquisition parlance as concurrency — has led to developmental problems and a 68-percent surge in the projected cost of the program.

 

The Joint Strike Fighter is the Pentagon’s most expensive weapons program, with an estimated cost of $391 billion to develop and build 2,457 aircraft.

 

Duckworth cited comments made last year by Frank Kendall, the Pentagon’s top weapons buyer, in which he criticized his own department’s decision to begin production of the single-engine jet years before its first test flight as “acquisition malpractice.”

 

Many of the aircraft’s most vaunted technologies “remain untested and unready,” Duckworth said. Flight testing of the software package designed for initial aircraft operations, known as Block 2B, was only 5 percent complete as of last month, she said.

 

Rep. Michael Turner, R-Ohio, chairman of the panel’s Tactical Air and Land Forces subcommittee, said the amendment would effectively halt funding for the F-35 program, triggering delays and additional cost increases.

 

“We believe that we address the issues with the F-35 in the mark,” he said.

 

Turner was referring to language his subcommittee drafted in the legislation that would order the Pentagon to establish an independent team of subject matter experts to review software development for the program and submit a report to lawmakers by March 3, 2014.

 

Turner also cited as evidence of progress in the program a March report from the Government Accountability Office, the investigative arm of congress, subtitled, “Outlook Is Improved, but Long-Term Affordability Is a Major Concern.”

 

The Pentagon last week announced that the Marine Corps will begin operational flights of the F-35 fighter jet in 2015, followed by the Air Force in 2016 and the Navy in 2019.

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2 juin 2013 7 02 /06 /juin /2013 11:20
F35 IOC Dates

June 2, 2013 by WiseApe – Think Defence

 

A Report to Congress posted on AviationWeek gives the IOC dates for the three versions of F35, along with their respective software blocks

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27 mai 2013 1 27 /05 /mai /2013 07:20
Congress orders F-35 Software Plan

May 24th, 2013 by Kris Osborn - defensetech.org

 

Congress ordered the Pentagon to establish an independent team consisting of subject matter experts to review the development of software for the Joint Strike Fighter program.

 

The House Armed Services Tactical Air and Land Forces Subcommittee asked the Pentagon to submit a report by March 3, 2014 as part of the committee’s markup of the 2014 defense budget. The F-35 software program has served as one of the largest challenges for program engineers to keep on schedule.

 

“The committee continues to support the F-35 development and procurement program, and believes a software development review by the Department will ensure that the F-35 program remains on schedule to provide a fifth generation capability in support of our national security strategy,” the Congressional language states.

 

The JSF program developmental strategy is, in part, grounded upon a series of incremental software “drops” — each one adding new capability to the platform. In total, there are more than 10 billion individual lines of code for the system, broken down into increments and “blocks,” F-35 program office officials explained.

 

“Software development remains a focus area of the joint program office. We have a solid baseline and we need to be able to execute on that,” said Joe DellaVedova, F-35 program office spokesman.

 

Software drop 2B is undergoing flight testing at Edwards Air Force Base, Calif., and Naval Air Station Patuxent River, Md; software Block 2B builds upon the enhanced simulated weapons, data link capabilities and early fused sensor integration of the Block 2A software drop, DellaVedova added.

 

“With Block 2B you can provide basic close air support and fire an AMRAAM {Advanced Medium Range Air to Air Missile}, JDAM [Joint Direct Attack Munition] or GBU 12 [laser-guided aerial bomb]. This allows the plane to become a very capable weapons system,” he said.

 

Overall, DellaVedova said the F-35 program office has been making substantial progress. Software drop 3I, which is a technical refresh of Block 2B, is slated to by ready by 2016.

 

“This is complicated and labor intensive work but this has leadership focus from industry and government to deliver on the promise of the F-35. With its stealth and its enhanced situational awareness, the F-35 will provide a backbone for our forces for generations to come. Our progress continues at a slow and steady pace and we are focused on completing things within the schedule and budget we’ve been given.”

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