Suivre ce blog Administration + Créer mon blog
25 mars 2014 2 25 /03 /mars /2014 08:35
Targeting Huawei: NSA Spied on Chinese Government and Networking Firm


March 22, 2014 by SPIEGEL


According to documents viewed by SPIEGEL, America'a NSA intelligence agency put considerable efforts into spying on Chinese politicians and firms. One major target was Huawei, a company that is fast becoming a major Internet player.


The American government conducted a major intelligence offensive against China, with targets including the Chinese government and networking company Huawei, according to documents from former NSA worker Edward Snowden that have been viewed by SPIEGEL and the New York Times. Among the American intelligence service's targets were former Chinese President Hu Jintao, the Chinese Trade Ministry, banks, as well as telecommunications companies.

But the NSA made a special effort to target Huawei. With 150,000 employees and €28 billion ($38.6 billion) in annual revenues, the company is the world's second largest network equipment supplier. At the beginning of 2009, the NSA began an extensive operation, referred to internally as "Shotgiant," against the company, which is considered a major competitor to US-based Cisco. The company produces smartphones and tablets, but also mobile phone infrastructure, WLAN routers and fiber optic cable -- the kind of technology that is decisive in the NSA's battle for data supremacy.

A special unit with the US intelligence agency succeeded in infiltrating Huwaei's network and copied a list of 1,400 customers as well as internal documents providing training to engineers on the use of Huwaei products, among other things.


Source Code Breached

According to a top secret NSA presentation, NSA workers not only succeeded in accessing the email archive, but also the secret source code of individual Huwaei products. Software source code is the holy grail of computer companies. Because Huawei directed all mail traffic from its employees through a central office in Shenzhen, where the NSA had infiltrated the network, the Americans were able to read a large share of the email sent by company workers beginning in January 2009, including messages from company CEO Ren Zhengfei and Chairwoman Sun Yafang.

"We currently have good access and so much data that we don't know what to do with it," states one internal document. As justification for targeting the company, an NSA document claims that "many of our targets communicate over Huawei produced products, we want to make sure that we know how to exploit these products." The agency also states concern that "Huawei's widespread infrastructure will provide the PRC (People's Republic of China) with SIGINT capabilities." SIGINT is agency jargon for signals intelligence. The documents do not state whether the agency found information indicating that to be the case.

The operation was conducted with the involvement of the White House intelligence coordinator and the FBI. One document states that the threat posed by Huawei is "unique".

The agency also stated in a document that "the intelligence community structures are not suited for handling issues that combine economic, counterintelligence, military influence and telecommunications infrastructure from one entity."


Fears of Chinese Influence on the Net

The agency notes that understanding how the firm operates will pay dividends in the future. In the past, the network infrastructure business has been dominated by Western firms, but the Chinese are working to make American and Western firms "less relevant". That Chinese push is beginning to open up technology standards that were long determined by US companies, and China is controlling an increasing amount of the flow of information on the net.

In a statement, Huawei spokesman Bill Plummer criticized the spying measures. "If it is true, the irony is that exactly what they are doing to us is what they have always charged that the Chinese are doing through us," he said. "If such espionage has been truly conducted, then it is known that the company is independent and has no unusual ties to any government and that knowledge should be relayed publicly to put an end to an era of mis- and disinformation."

Responding to the allegations, NSA spokeswoman Caitlin Hayden said she should could not comment on specific collection activities or on the intelligence operations of specific foreign countries, "but I can tell you that our intelligence activities are focused on the national security needs of our country." She also said, "We do not give intelligence we collect to US companies to enhance their international competitiveness or increase their bottom line."

Editor's note: A longer version of this story will appear in German in the issue of SPIEGEL to be published on Monday.

Partager cet article
25 mars 2014 2 25 /03 /mars /2014 08:30
Offshore Security Drives Gulf Naval Procurements

The Al-Shamik corvette, which serves in the Royal Navy of Oman, is based on British offshore patrol vessels.


Mar. 24, 2014 - By AWAD MUSTAFA – Defense News

DUBAI — Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states are increasing security around their offshore oil infrastructure, due to an array of threats from sea-based dangers.

According to Michele Cosentino, a former Italian Navy commodore, GCC members have chosen different approaches to carry out their maritime strategies, especially protecting oil facilities and commercial shipping.

Cosentino, in an article he authored for the 2013 Offshore Patrol Vessels conference in Abu Dhabi, wrote that the newly re-established Iraqi Navy’s primary focus also is on its offshore infrastructure.

“All GCC navies have benefited both directly and indirectly by the increasing presence of US military forces in the region during the past years, but they have correctly considered the implications of a dramatic drawdown of these forces under the Obama administration in the aftermath of the US disengagement from Iraq and Afghanistan,” Cosentino wrote.

According to the Global Naval Vessels and Surface Combatants Market Report 2013-2023, the United States will lead global spending on naval assets.

The report stated that an increase in coalition missions — such as international peacekeeping missions, offshore operations and disaster relief operations — has created a need for interoperable weapon systems that adhere to NATO standards.

“An increase in out-of-area operations has also created a need for participating nations to acquire interoperability with key coalition partners” the report read.

Despite GCC navies being capable of protecting their offshore assets and borders, they continue to face an evolving threat from state and non-state actors, argues Matthew Hedges, from the Institute for Near East and Gulf Military Analysis.

“Incidents, such as the killing of Indian seamen in Jebel Ali, highlight the seriousness of the situation the region is in,” he said, alluding to the 2012 killing of an Indian fisherman after his vessel rapidly approached the US replenishment oiler Rappahannock off the United Arab Emirates coast.

“As the states of the GCC are host to foreign militaries, they will always attract delinquents and extremists opposed to their presence, and will have to continue to protect these assets and allies where possible,” he said.

Furthermore, Hedges said that both sea and air assets in the region are in use to counter threats to naval trade, and are often used in combination to counter these threats.

“Constant surveillance assets are used in the region, and a number are made within the UAE,” he said.

There are two major types of challenges and threats facing the GCC and Iraqi navies, according to Cosentino.

“The first is located in the Arabian Gulf and stems from Iran’s attitude toward a regional hegemony, while the second is linked to the disruption of maritime trade caused by piracy and other illicit trafficking taking place around the Horn of Africa and off Yemeni and Omani coasts,” he wrote. “In both cases, challenges and threats have a clear maritime focus, and facing them requires the availability of a range of capabilities that can be easily expressed by light surface combatants and offshore patrol vessels [OPVs].”

GCC navies have therefore chosen different paths to face such challenges and threats in accordance with their ability to manage a range of naval assets.

“GCC navies can be grouped into two groups, the first including naval forces able to field and manage OPVs, corvettes and frigates like the UAE, Saudi Arabia, Oman and Iraq; and the second comprising smaller naval forces equipped mostly with coastal patrol boats like Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait and Yemen,” he wrote.

The UAE has employed the upper hand of the OPV/corvette range to enhance its capabilities, Cosentino wrote.

“The flagship of the UAE Navy is the corvette Abu Dhabi, a vessel of about 1,500 tons of displacement which was built in Italy according to the design of the Comandanti-class OPVs, of which six units are in service in the Italian Navy.

“Abu Dhabi maintains the general layout of an OPV, but she has been equipped with a range of weapons and sensors that confirms how an OPV design can be easily adapted to the user requirements.”

The Royal Navy of Oman has chosen a similar approach, he added.

“The Karheef program was initially related to the construction of three Al-Shamik-class OPVs that are designed and built in the UK, but they were recently reclassified as corvettes,” he wrote. “Although their hull is based on a British-derived OPV, the Al-Shamiks displace 2,550 tons, have stealthy features and are equipped with anti-ship and anti-air missiles, other than a 76mm main gun.”

The Iraqi Navy has chosen a traditional approach.

“The two major surface vessels of the new Iraqi Navy are the two Al-Basrah-class OPVs, conceived for the surveillance and the protection of the offshore oil infrastructures that are located in the northern part of the Arabian Gulf,” he wrote.

They are 60 meters long, armed with a 30mm light gun and equipped with fast craft for close protection.

Partager cet article
25 mars 2014 2 25 /03 /mars /2014 08:20
US Army opens acquisition for counter-UAS weapon system


Mar. 24, 2014 By Erik Schechter  - FG


New York - Concerned about the emerging threat of unmanned aircraft, the US Army is canvassing American defence contractors for information on systems that can detect, classify and destroy drones of varying sizes.


According to the request for information (RFI), the army’s Aviation and Missile Research, Development, and Engineering Center (AMRDEC) is open to both “kinetic and non-kinetic options” – the latter referring to lasers.


The US Navy has already placed a laser weapon system demonstrator aboard the destroyer USS Dewey and tested the weapon against target drones in June 2012. The Army has likewise tested a vehicle-mounted Boeing high energy laser mobile demonstrator against mortar rounds and drones. However, there is no programme of record among the services to develop such a directed energy weapon.


Another interest of ARMDEC is that proposed systems be able to operate at both at the brigade-and-above and brigade-and-below echelons, which have their own network connectivity issues and levels of situational awareness.


The RFI, for example, notes that those at the tip of the spear resemble those homeland security operators in terms of the ad hoc nature of their deployment and size of their area of operation.


Indeed, the systems proposed should be designed for both overseas and domestic operations, the RFI states.


Contractors have until April 1 to answer the RFI, with selected respondents invited to two-day workshop starting April 30 at Redstone Arsenal, Ala.


The RFI opens the acquisition phase of the army’s pursuit of a capability to defeat unmanned aircraft.


Last year, the army’s armaments research, development and engineering center (ARDEC) at Picatinny Arsenal staged an experiment.


The center integrated a fire control radar with existing weapon systems. Using a “novel warhead design”, a gun-launched munition destroyed a small-class unmanned aircraft, according to army documents.


One challenge in the fight against unmanned aircraft is the cost. The army has highly capable air defence batteries, but their cost may seem excessive if used against a small unmanned aircraft.


The ARDEC experiment focused on a “low-cost-per-kill weapon system”, the army says.

Partager cet article
25 mars 2014 2 25 /03 /mars /2014 08:20
 source johnbrownnotesandessays

source johnbrownnotesandessays


March 24, 2014 Interview Conducted By Marc Hujer and Holger Stark

In a SPIEGEL interview, former NSA director Michael Hayden, 69, discusses revelations of US spying on Germany made public in documents leaked by Edward Snowden, surveillance against German leaders and tensions between Berlin and Washington.


Michael Hayden, 69, served as the director of the National Security Agency from 1999 to 2005. After leaving the NSA, he served as director of the CIA from 2006 to 2009. Today he is a partner at the consulting firm Chertoff Group in Washington, DC.

SPIEGEL recently sat down with the former US Air Force general in Washington for a wide-ranging interview on revelations from the archive of former NSA contractor Edward Snowden, including allegations that the intelligence agency spied on the cell phone of German Chancellor Angela Merkel, that have been the source of significant trans-Atlantic tensions.


Read the interview

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 19:55
La 3e brigade mécanisée devient une brigade légère blindée


24.03.2014 par Philippe Chapleau - Lignes de Défense

Après la 9e brigade légère blindée de marine (9e BLBMa) de Poitiers redevenue 9e brigade d'infanterie de marine le 1er janvier 2013, voici que la 3e brigade mécanisée de Clermont-Ferrand (5 000 hommes, 5 régiments) se transforme en 3e brigade légère blindée.

La 3e brigade mécanisée avait été créée à Limoges en 1999, dans le cadre de la refondation de l’armée de Terre.

On lira ci-dessous l'ordre du jour, daté du 18 mars, du général Hervé Gomart, expliquant ce changement de nom.

La 3e brigade mécanisée devient une brigade légère blindée

Note RP Defense : à lire Historique de la 3e Division Blindée



Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 19:40
LST Kostiantyn Olshansky

LST Kostiantyn Olshansky


24 mars 2014 17h24 Romandie.com (AFP)


NOVOOZERNE - Une vedette russe s'est lancée lundi à l'assaut du navire de débarquement ukrainien Konstiantyn Olchanski stationnant sur le lac Donouzlav, dans l'ouest de la Crimée, ont constaté des reporters de l'AFP.


A l'approche de l'embarcation russe, des tirs ont été entendus et un grand nuage de fumée s'est élevé devant le navire ukrainien, selon les journalistes. D'après un porte-parole ukrainien, il s'agit d'un rideau de fumée lancé par l'équipage.


Selon ce porte-parole, représentant du ministère ukrainien de la Défense en Crimée Vladislav Seleznev, les assaillants sont ensuite montés à bord de l'Olchanski alors que l'équipage s'est enfermé à l'intérieur du navire.


Les journalistes de l'AFP ont vu, quelques heures avant l'assaut, une vingtaine de marins en rang sur le pont. Pendant l'assaut, ils ont entonné l'hymne ukrainien sous le drapeau de leur pays.


Selon les médias locaux, le reste de l'équipage avait décidé de passer du côté russe.


Le Kostiantyn Olchanski avait participé en 2011 à l'évacuation des étrangers quittant la Libye. Il peut transporter jusqu'à 500 personnes.

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 19:35
F-35 Stealth Multirole Fighters For South Korea



24/03/2014 by Paul Fiddian - Armed Forces International's Lead Reporter


The Republic of Korea Air Force is upgrading its equipment, with plans announced to purchase 40 Lockheed Martin F-35 Lightning II stealth multirole fighters and four Northrop Grumman Global Hawk unmanned aerial vehicles.


South Korea's aim is to revitalise its air force through deals set to be fully firmed-up between July and September 2014, with airframe deliveries tentatively scheduled from 2018 onwards. The Global Hawk UAVs' purchase price isn't known but, according to information given by defence officials to news agency Reuters, the 40 Lightning IIs will cost an estimated $6.8 billion in total.


Previously, South Korea seemed to have chosen the Boeing F-15SE Silent Eagle to meet the Republic of Korea Air Force's future fighter needs. However, in November 2013, it was hinted that, instead, the country's preference had swung towards the Lockheed Martin design.


South Korean F-35 Order


In a statement, Lockheed Martin expressed pleasure at the South Korean F-35 order announcement and pledged to support arrangements between the US and South Korea to set a contract in motion.


"We are honored by and appreciate the trust and confidence the Republic of Korea has placed in the 5th Generation F-35 to meet its demanding security requirements", explained its vice president of aeronautics, Orlando Carvalho. "We look forward to supporting the discussions between the Republic of Korea and US governments in support of a final agreement this year."


South Korea now becomes the tenth nation to have moved to acquire the F-35 Lightning II, alongside the US, UK, Australia, Italy, Norway, the Netherlands, Turkey, Israel and Japan.


Lightning II Stealth Multirole Fighter


Produced by a US-led consortium, the F-35 Lightning II stealth multirole fighter features cutting-edge technology aimed at making it undetectable by enemy radars. Three versions are available - the F-35A, F-35B and F-35C. These are capable of conventional (runway-based) take offs and landings, short take offs and landings and aircraft carrier operations, respectively.


The Republic of Korea Air Force has been active since 1949. According to a 2010 count, it operates 760 aircraft, many of them US-origin. McDonnell Douglas F-15E Strike Eagles and F-16 Fighting Falcons currently make up the backbone of its fighter fleet.

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 19:30
Iran's 2 Navies Bring Mixture of Threats



Mar. 24, 2014 - By AWAD MUSTAFA – Defense News


DUBAI — Despite limited capabilities and lacking in modernization, Iran has always been seen as the major naval threat in the Arabian Gulf region.

Experts agree this is due to its ability for irregular warfare and to threaten, intimidate and conduct asymmetrical operations and wars of attrition.

According to the January “Gulf Military Balance” report by Anthony Cordesman, with the Center for Strategic and International Studies, Iran is sometimes described as the “Hegemon of the Gulf.” But it is a comparatively weak conventional military power with limited modernization since the Iran-Iraq War.

“It depends heavily on weapons acquired by the shah. Most key equipment in its Army, Navy and Air Force are obsolete or relatively low-quality imports,” he wrote.

Cordesman, however, highlighted that Iran is proficient at irregular warfare.

“It has built up a powerful mix of capabilities for both regular and Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps [IRGC] forces to defend territory, intimidate neighbors, threaten the flow of oil and shipping through the gulf, and attack gulf targets,” he wrote.

“It has a dedicated force to train and equip non-state actors like Hezbollah, Hamas and Shiite extremists in Iraq — potential proxies that give Iran leverage over other states.”

Matthew Hedges, a military analyst based here with the Institute for Near East and Gulf Military Analysis, added that the Iranian support of non-state actors such as Hezbollah and the Houthi rebels in Yemen are some of the leading threats in the region.

“The Iranian Revolutionary Guards [Corps] threaten every state in the region,” he said. “The IRGC possess mini-subs and are a constant menace to not only the UAE Navy, but to all naval trade passing through the Strait of Hormuz as they are particularly hard to trace. There have been numerous unconfirmed reports that Iranian midget subs have been spotted within a number of the regional ports, something which is particularly worrying for the entire [Gulf Cooperation Council] region.”

In November, gulf naval commanders stated that the IRGC mini-subs are a major danger in the gulf’s littorals.

“Anti-submarine operations are causing a real challenge to our units in the Arabian Gulf waters due to the small subs that are being used in shallow waters, which creates a challenge for sonar systems to detect them,” UAE Navy Chief Rear Adm. Ibrahim Musharrakh told the Gulf Naval Commanders Conference on Nov. 6.

“Furthermore, the merchant traffic creates clutter and noise that diminishes the capability of submersible devices to spot and helps the mini-subs to operate without being spotted,” he said.

The Iranian Navy and Revolutionary Guard Corps have launched three classes of submarines, two of which are small subs, since 2007. The programs, however, have been secretive, and limited information has been released by the Iranian naval command.

According to the Nuclear Threat Initiative (NTI), a nonprofit nuclear watchdog, three Kilo-class diesel-electric submarines were commissioned from 1992 to 1996. They are called Tareq-class subs in Iran.

Iran reportedly paid US $600 million for each boat, and they are based at Bandar Abbas in the Strait of Hormuz. Two of the Kilo-class submarines are operational at any one time and are occasionally deployed in the eastern mouth of the strait, the Gulf of Oman or the Arabian Sea.

However, the real threat is from the smaller submarines deployed in 2007. According to the NTI, that’s when a wave of deployments began of small Ghadir-class and Nahang-class midget submarines for use in shallow coastal waters.

NTI reports that the number of operating Ghadir-class submarines ranges from 10 to 19.

The Ghadir class also is referred to as a subclass of the Yono class, suggesting that the submarines may be based on North Korean technology, although the level of North Korean involvement is unknown, the organization said.

The midget subs are operated by both the Iranian Navy and Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps Navy (IRGCN). Their operational capabilities include firing torpedoes (both the Ghadir and the Nahang class have two, 533mm tubes), laying mines for anti-shipping operations, as well as insertion of special forces into enemy territory.

Iran also is experimenting with wet submersibles. The Sabehat-15 GPS-equipped two-seat submersible swimmer delivery vehicle (SDV), designed by the Esfahan Underwater Research Center, has undergone testing with both the Iranian Navy and the IRGCN.

NTI’s report on “Iranian Submarine Capabilities,” released in July, states the SDVs, due to their limited endurance and payload, are primarily used for mining, reconnaissance and special operations, and are restricted to operating in coastal waters.

Col. Yousif al-Mannaei, deputy commander of the Bahrain Naval Operations Center, explained the need for more intelligence collection.

“As we all know that the sea is very vital for our well-being and the world economy, the air supremacy and surface supremacy has been achieved,” he said. “However, we have no subsurface superiority in the Arabian Gulf waters.

“It is a real threat, and the [Gulf Cooperation Council] really understands that and are pursuing ways to counter that,” he said. “At this point, the exchange of information and intelligence sharing, as well as the formation of a database, is vital.”

According to Michael Connell, director of Iranian Studies at the Center for Naval Analyses, Iran has two independent naval forces with parallel chains of command.

“The two navies have overlapping functions and areas of responsibility, but they are distinct in terms of how they are trained and equipped — and more importantly, also in how they fight,” he wrote in an article for the United States Institute of Peace. “The backbone of the regular Navy’s inventory consists of larger surface ships, including frigates and corvettes and submarines.”

The Islamic Republic of Iran Navy is generally considered to be a conventional “green water” Navy, he wrote, operating at a regional level, mainly in the Gulf of Oman but also as far out as the Red Sea and the Mediterranean Sea.

“The Revolutionary Guard’s naval force has a large inventory of small fast-attack craft, and specializes in asymmetrical, hit-and-run tactics; it is more akin to a guerrilla force at sea,” Connell wrote. “Both navies maintain large arsenals of coastal defense and anti-ship cruise missiles and mines.”

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 18:45
Nigeria: Boko Haram revendique l'attaque du 14 mars contre une caserne



24 mars 2014 Romandie.com(AFP)


KANO (Nigeria) - Le groupe islamiste Boko Haram a revendiqué l'attaque du 14 mars d'une caserne militaire de la ville de Maiduguri, dans le nord-est du Nigeria, dans une vidéo obtenue lundi par l'AFP.


Nous sommes les auteurs des attaques (du 14 mars) à Maiduguri dit un homme habillé en blanc, la tête couverte d'un turban noir, armé d'un fusil, affirmant être Abubakar Shekau, le chef de Boko Haram.


L'homme semble plus jeune et plus mince que dans les précédentes vidéos, avec une gestuelle un peu différente, ce qui peut amener à se demander si le chef du groupe extrémiste, qui a déjà été déclaré mort plusieurs fois par l'armée, est encore vivant.


Les Etats-Unis ont déclaré Abubakar Shekau terroriste international et ont offert en mars 2013 une prime de 7 millions de dollars (5,1 millions d'euros) sur sa tête.


Le Nigeria a également promis une récompense de 50 millions de nairas (250.000 euros) contre toute information permettant sa capture ou sa mort.


L'armée avait annoncé avoir tué le chef islamiste dans le Nord-Est entre le 25 juillet et le 3 août 2013, mais un homme disant être Abubakar Shekau est apparu dans plusieurs vidéos depuis.


A la question de savoir si Shekau est mort ou vivant, le porte-parole de l'Etta-Major des armées, Chris Olukolade, n'a pas voulu répondre à l'AFP au cours d'un entretien le 14 mars.


Dans cette dernière vidéo, obtenue par le même intermédiaire que précédemment, l'homme disant être Shekau parle pendant 37 minutes en haoussa et en kanouri, deux langues locales, ainsi qu'en arabe.


Après son intervention, des extraits montrent des hommes armés de fusils d'assaut et de lance-roquettes arrivant en camions pick-up à la caserne de Giwa, dans Maiduguri.

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 17:55
Photo : G. Gesquière/Armée de Terre

Photo : G. Gesquière/Armée de Terre

Repousser ses limites en apnée tout en progressant alourdi par l'équipement.


24/03/2014 Armée de Terre


En tous temps en tous lieux nos soldats doivent se préparer intensivement. Au programme du parcours nautique, 8 obstacles répartis sur une centaine de mètres. Dessus-dessous, filet d’apnée, échelle de rail, plan incliné, les obstacles s’enchaînent sans répit au Centre d’Instruction et d’Aguerrissement Nautique à la Réunion. Instantanés de soldats en plein effort aquatique à découvrir dans cet album de photos inédites

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 17:55
système tactique modulaire et mobile

système tactique modulaire et mobile


24/03/2014 LCL Franck Bertrand - Armée de l'air


Du 24 février au 18 mars 2014, l’escadron de détection et de contrôle mobile (EDCM) a engagé un système de détection et de contrôle tactique (SDCT) V0.1 dans le cadre de l’exercice CASEX, entraînement consacré à la formation des FAC (Forward Air Controller - contrôleur aérien avancé) français et allemands des trois armées, organisé sous la direction du centre de formation à l’appui aérien (CFAA) de Nancy.


Opérant depuis ce système C2 « temps réel » au sol doté de la capacité Liaison 16, l’équipage mission a eu pour rôle d’assurer la gestion et la sécurisation de la zone d’entraînement créée pour la circonstance afin de protéger l’activité aérienne spécifique à l’exécution des missions CAS (Close Air Support– appui aérien rapproché).


Déployé en terrain libre dans la région d'Apt (Vaucluse), ce système tactique modulaire et mobile a été mis en œuvre par un équipage pluridisciplinaire constitué de contrôleurs, d’opérateurs et de techniciens CNS (communication, navigation et surveillance) et SIC (système d’information et de communications) de l’EDCM, appuyé par du personnel technique du GTSICAéro (groupement tactique des systèmes d’information et de communications aéronautiques) et de l’ESME (escadron de soutien des matériels d’environnement).


Composé de 20 véhicules, le détachement s’est également aguerri à la vie en campagne en mode autonome dans des conditions climatiques rigoureuses.


Au bilan, affichant une disponibilité opérationnelle de 100%, les capacités du SDCT, ainsi que l’expertise du personnel dans le domaine de l’appui à la manœuvre aéroterrestre ont permis à l’équipage de contrôler 117 missions tout en assurant, à tout moment, la sécurité des aéronefs participant à l’exercice et en contribuant à la réussite de celles-ci, notamment au travers de l’utilisation de la L16.


Que ce soit dans la neige et le froid du plateau d’Albion ou bien dans les sables brûlants du Sahel, l’EDCM intervient chaque fois que son expertise et son savoir-faire en matière de gestion et de coordination de la 3e dimension, de surveillance aérienne et de contrôle tactique sont requis pour contribuer à la conduite des opérations aériennes dans le cadre de la protection du territoire national et de la manœuvre aéroterrestre.


Gestion et la sécurisation de la zone d’entraînement

Gestion et la sécurisation de la zone d’entraînement

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 17:50
La Serbie a commémoré les 15 ans des bombardements de l'Otan


24 mars 2014 Romandie.com (AFP)


BELGRADE - La Serbie a commémoré par de nombreuses cérémonies lundi les 15 ans du début des bombardements de son territoire par l'Otan lancés pour la contraindre de cesser la répression contre les indépendantistes et les civils albanais du Kosovo.


Un peuple qui oublie ses victimes et son histoire est condamné à revivre cette histoire. La Serbie aujourd'hui mène une politique pacifique pour résoudre ses problèmes, a déclaré le Premier ministre serbe Ivica Dacic.


M. Dacic a déposé une gerbe de fleurs aux défenseurs de la Serbie devant le mont Strazevica près de Belgrade, où se trouve un centre souterrain de commandement de l'armée qui a été pris pour cible à d'innombrables reprises par l'aviation de l'Otan.


Le Premier ministre a qualifié d'innocentes toutes les victimes serbes du conflit, militaires, policières ou civiles, l'intervention de l'Otan n'ayant pas reçu l'aval du Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU.


Dans le jardin d'un des bâtiments de la Radio télévision serbe (RTS) à Belgrade, un parc a été inauguré à la mémoire de seize personnes tuées dans le bombardement de l'immeuble de télévision nationale serbe.


Une messe à la mémoire de toutes les victimes des frappes de l'Otan a été célébrée à Belgrade dans l'église de Saint Marc.


Dans les écoles à travers le pays, un cours d'histoire a été consacré à l'anniversaire du début de l'agression contre la Serbie.


D'autres dirigeants, dont le président Tomislav Nikolic déposeront des gerbes de fleurs sur plusieurs sites qui ont été été bombardés durant cette campagne de frappes aériennes qui a duré 78 jours.


L'Otan a déclenché son opération le 24 mars 1999 après le refus du président serbe Slobodan Milosevic de mettre un terme à la répression contre la guérilla indépendantiste et les civils kosovars.


L'intervention s'est terminée en juin par le retrait des forces serbes du Kosovo, qui a alors été placé sous l'administration de l'ONU.


Selon les chiffres officiels de Belgrade, quelque 2.500 civils Serbes ont été tués et 12.500 blessés durant les onze semaines de bombardements. L'organisation de défense des droits de l'Homme Human Rights Watch estime le nombre de civils tués à quelque 500.


En 2006, la Serbie a adhéré au Partenariat pour la paix, un programme de coopération militaire proposé par l'Otan aux pays de l'Europe de l'est, tout a précisant qu'elle ne comptait pas rejoindre le bloc.


A Pristina, le premier ministre kosovar Hashim Thaçi a qualifié de grand jour pour la république du Kosovo la date du début des bombardements de l'Otan.


Ce jour marquant le début des frappes de l'Otan contre la Serbie (...) est le jour du début d'une grande victoire pour la république du Kosovo, un jour historique pour notre peuple, a déclaré M. Thaçi.


Quinze ans plus tard, la Serbie et le Kosovo marchent côte à côte sur la voie européenne, après avoir conclu en avril 2013 un accord historique sur la normalisation de leurs relations, sous les auspices de Bruxelles.


Même si la Serbie refuse farouchement de reconnaître l'indépendance que son ancienne province méridionale a unilatéralement proclamée en 2008, sa volonté d'améliorer les relations avec ce territoire peuplé majoritairement d'Albanais lui a permis d'ouvrir en janvier les négociations d'adhésion à l'UE.


Le Kosovo a pour sa part lancé les négociations sur la conclusion d'un accord d'association et de stabilisation, la toute première étape dans le rapprochement avec l'UE.


L'indépendance du Kosovo a été reconnue à ce jour par une centaine de pays, dont les les États-Unis et 23 des 28 membres de l'UE.

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 17:45
Joseph Kony: US military planes to hunt LRA leader


24.03.2014 BBC Africa

The US has announced it is sending military aircraft and more special forces to look for Ugandan rebel leader Joseph Kony.

At least four CV-22 Ospreys and refuelling planes, as well as 150 Air Force special forces personnel will arrive in Uganda this week, they say.

Mr Kony is wanted by the International Criminal Court on war crimes charges.

The US first deployed some 100 special forces in 2011 to help thousands of African troops track him down.

His Lord's Resistance Army (LRA) rebels are notorious for abducting children and forcing the boys to become fighters and keeping the girls as sex slaves.

Boys are forced to kill their own parents, so they think they cannot return home.

The group first emerged in Uganda in the 1980s but its fighters now roam between Central African Republic, South Sudan and the Democratic Republic of Congo.

National Security Council spokesperson Caitlin Hayden said the lack of aircraft had been identified by the African countries leading the hunt for Mr Kony as one of their major obstacles to finding him and the other LRA leaders "across a wide swath of one of the world's poorest, least governed and most remote regions".

The US forces would be based in Uganda but would be used in other countries where the LRA was present, she said.

The African Union-led forces would remain in charge of the operation, with the US retaining an advisory role.

CV-22 Ospreys can land and take off vertically like a helicopter but fly like a plane so they can travel further and faster than helicopters.

The US has offered up to $5m (£3.3m) for leads resulting in his arrest.

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 17:45
Defence Review approved, new Armscor chairman named


20 March 2014 by Kim Helfrich - defenceWeb


A 15 word sentence in the statement on this week’s Cabinet meeting will boost the country’s entire defence community.


The sentence reads: “Cabinet approved the South African Defence Review 2014 and directed that it be tabled in Parliament”.


It marks the end of mammoth task started in July 2011 by then Defence and Military Veterans Minister Lindiwe Sisulu when she appointed Roelf Meyer as chairman of the Defence Review Committee with a wide brief on South Africa’s long term defence policy. Among tasks she specifically wanted the committee and its resource group to investigate and report on were a new defence policy, supportive of government’s priorities and strategic intent and a reviewed and confirmed defence mandate with associated functions, high level tasks, strategic concepts, doctrine, capabilities, level of effort and structure.


Another area Sisulu asked the Meyer team to investigate was “defence’s contribution to South Africa’s international policy, strategy and obligations”.


These and another at least nine objectives saw widespread consultation across with country with senior SA National Defence Force (SANDF) personnel, the defence industry, think tanks and universities as well as civil society by way of open meetings in all nine provinces.


All this input were then refined into more than 400 pages of documentation which was subsequently again refined following requests for further investigation and clarification by Sisulu’s successor, Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula, and SANDF Commander-in-Chief, President Jacob Zuma.


This effectively saw the deadline of October 2012 set by Sisulu for the document to be tabled in Parliament scrapped. The decision approving it taken this week by Cabinet means it will be up for debate sometime after the May national and provincial elections when the fifth Parliament gets down to work.


The final item on the Cabinet statement is another with implications for both the SANDF and the defence industry.


Outgoing SA Navy chief, Vice Admiral Johannes Mudimu, has been named as chairman of Armscor’s board of directors. This indicates he will replace current chairman retired Lieutenant General Mojo Motau, who took Mapisa-Nqakula to court to fight his dismissal last year. He and his deputy Refiloe Mokoena, who was also dismissed by the Minister, found themselves in the Constitutional Court earlier this year after an appeal against their reinstatement was lodged by Mapisa-Nqakula. Judgement in the case, according to the Constitutional Court website, has been reserved.


The statement also lists eight new non-executive members of the state security procurement agency. They are Thuthukile Skweyiya, Dr Moses Khanyile, Bethuel Mobu, Sesi Baloyi, Mpumi Zikalala, Ndumiso Tyibilika, Raymond Vokwana and Virginia de la Hunt.


No commencement date for them to replace the existing Armscor board is given in the Cabinet statement.

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 17:45
SANDF troops conducting jungle warfare training in Port St Johns

SANDF troops conducting jungle warfare training in Port St Johns


20 March 2014 by Guy Martin - defenceWeb


The South African National Defence Force is using Port St Johns as a jungle warfare training facility in preparation for the deployment of 850 troops to the Democratic Republic of Congo in May, when they will join the UN’s Force Intervention Brigade (FIB) tasked with rooting out rebels.


5 South African Infantry (SAI) Battalion will replace 6 South African Infantry Battalion at the end of May under Operation Mistral, marking the unit’s first time in the DRC. The deployment will be for a year – most previous UN deployments were for six months but it is more economical and effective to deploy forces for a year, as less time is spent acclimatising with one deployment per year than two.


6 SAI deployed in May-June last year, joining a battalion sized element from Tanzania and a battalion sized element from Malawi. Lieutenant Colonel Piet Paxton of the SANDF's Joint Operations Division said that, to his mind, the Tanzanian and Malawians have demonstrated good performance in the DRC.


5 SAI started with pre-deployment training and is now busy with mission readiness training. Phase 1 of training was conducted at the Boschoek Training Area between 10 and 22 February and covered shooting, helicopter drills, buddy aid, GPS training and offensive and defensive attacks. Phase 2 started on March 3 in Port St Johns and will end on March 21. It is covering patrols, jungle warfare, water orientation, combat shooting, house clearing and offensive and defensive actions.


Port St Johns was chosen as the ideal spot for jungle warfare training as its dense forests are an almost exact replica of what troops will experience in the DRC. The SANDF’s other more established training facilities focus more on grasslands and savannah scenarios.


Brigadier Gen Mannetjies de Goede, from the SA Army Infantry Formation, said that experiences in the Central African Republic and DRC made the SANDF realise that the battlespace has changed and that the SANDF needs to adapt with it. Training was occurring in silos, he said. Before 6 SAI deployed to the DRC it trained in Grahamstown which does not have forests – current training areas do not cover tropical training hence a request was made to train in Port St Johns. Training in jungle terrain is part of the SANDF’s initiative to improve combat readiness as soldiers will go straight into battle when they arrive in the DRC, de Goede pointed out.


Some combat readiness training was demonstrated to the media on Wednesday, including scenarios with 81 mm mortars, 12.7 mm heavy machineguns and 40 mm grenade launchers. Journalists were taken on a tour of the forest when ‘rebels’ attacked, capturing some and holding them hostage before SANDF troops charged through the foliage and rescued them, firing a good many blank rounds along the way.


However, training has not all been simulated. Whilst conducting urban patrol training in Port St Johns, the 5 SAI soldiers responded to a real life event on March 12. Armed men attempted to rob a cash in transit security crew in the town’s business district. The robbers opened fire at the soldiers, who retaliated. During an hour-long standoff, three armed robbers and a security guard were killed and R21 million was recovered. It appears that the security guard was in plain clothes and was carrying a gun when he was shot. No soldiers were injured in the incident but one bystander was injured by a bullet that tore through his shin. Several weapons were confiscated, including an R-4, an AK-47, a .38 Special revolver and 9 mm handgun.


In addition to training, 5 SAI also engaged in an outreach programme that assisted a place of safety that takes local boys off the street. SANDF personnel voluntarily donated R4 963 to the Eluxolweni initiative, which was used to buy clothes, food and blankets.


5 SAI will be deploying as part of the Force Intervention Brigade, made up of South African, Tanzanian and Malawian troops, and under the direct command of the Monusco Force Commander. The FIB’s offensive mandate is to reduce the threat posed by armed groups to state authority and civilian security in the eastern DRC and to make space for stabilisation activities. Other objectives are to protect civilians, monitor the arms embargo and support the DRC government. They are also charged with protecting United Nations personnel, facilities and equipment.


The troops of 5 SAI are expected to be engaged in combat operations as soon as they arrive in the DRC as there are still numerous rebel groups active following the withdrawal of the M23, such as the FDLR (Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda). Paxton said that there was a lot of action in the DRC last year and he didn’t see this changing in 2014.


At the moment there are various South African elements in the Democratic Republic of Congo. A special contingent includes aircraft personnel, military police, logisticians, engineers and others. This group is headquartered in Kinshasa and is under command of the UN mission in the DRC (Monusco). The South African aviation unit, which includes Rooivalk combat helicopters and Oryx transport helicopters, is based in Goma. The aviation unit is an operational tool of the Monusco’s force commander, meaning that the helicopters are under UN, not South African, control.


As the FIB supports the DRC government’s armed forces (FARDC), South Africa has also provided training to the FARDC under operation Thebe.


The DRC rotation, expected to take three weeks to complete, is one of the SANDF’s three external deployments. The other two are Operation Copper ensuring maritime security in the Mozambique Channel and Operation Cordite with Unamid in Sudan.


Click here to see the training in action.

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 17:45
AMISOM and Somali forces retake another key town



24 March 2014 defenceWeb


In an early morning operation at the weekend the Somali National Army (SNA) backed by African Union forces overran Al Shabaab outposts to capture the key town of Qoryooley in Lower Shabelle.


Located 120 km south-west of Mogadishu, Qoryooley has been under terrorist rule for five years. In the last month, many al Shabaab commanders have fled to the town following a string of defeats by the SNA and AMISOM forces said spokesman Colonel Ali Eden Houmed.


The capture of Qoryooley is seen as critical for AMISOM future operations to liberate the port city of Baraawe, one of the remaining sources of illicit revenue for extremist group.


The Special Representative of the Chairperson of the African Union Commission (SRCC) for Somalia, Ambassador Mahamat Saleh Annadif congratulated SNA and AMISOM troops on the achievement. He said the operation again demonstrated AMISOM’s continuing determination to support the people of Somalia as they embark on a new path of renewal and reconstruction.


“AMISOM will continue to bring security to more areas of Somalia so local people can live their lives and pursue their livelihoods in freedom.”


Joint operations between the SNA and AMISOM which began this month have to date liberated eight towns in the various regions around the country, the most recent being Qurunlow town in Middle Shabelle.


Since the UN Security Council boosted AMISOM troop numbers to over 22 000, the forces working closely with SNA have moved to new areas and helped the Somali government by providing a secure environment and recovering more territory, as well as ensuring law, order and justice he said.

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 17:45
Still many unanswered questions around the Battle for Bangui



24 March 2014 defenceWeb


Saturday marked the first anniversary of the involvement of SA National Defence Force (SANDF) elements in the ill-fated Battle for Bangui and while medals for bravery and valour have been awarded questions still remain.


One who wants public answers about South Africa’s involvement in the Central African Republic (CAR) at and before the time of the battle is David Maynier, the opposition Democratic Alliance (DA) party shadow minister of defence and military veterans.


In a statement timed to mark the anniversary, he said the firefight in the CAR capital resulted in the death of 15 South African soldiers who “when the fighting began fought well”.


“However, South Africa still does not know what really happened because there has been a deliberate and systematic cover-up of what has become known as ‘CARgate’.”


According to him the country has been “offered” a heroic battle narrative focused on the Battle for Bangui.


“This is, inevitably, only part of the truth. A proper investigation would almost certainly reveal President Jacob Zuma misled Parliament about the SANDF deployment to CAR and never informed Parliament about subsequent deployments in the DRC.”


He also points to intelligence failures and capability gaps, including a lack of suitable transport aircraft as other factors contributing to South African fatalities.


“That the operation was not all ‘military precision’ is revealed in leaked documents which provide an insight into the chaos at Joint Operations Command in the early hours of March 24, 2013, as it became clear that five registered/approved companies, contracted to provide air transport services, had no transport aircraft available to lift armoured patrol vehicles, a diesel bowser and more soldiers to the conflict zone.


“In the end Force Commander, Colonel William Dixon, and his soldiers from 1 Parachute Battalion and 5 Special Forces Regiment appear to have been left dangling in a deadly firefight, without the necessary support, in a country where they should never have been deployed,” Maynier said.


Attempts to establish what exactly happened through channels including the Joint Standing Committee on Defence as well as setting up an ad-hoc committee to investigate the SANDF involvement in CAR came to nothing.


“We know the SANDF conducted an internal review of the CAR deployment. We also know the SANDF convened three boards of enquiry relating to CARgate, including one to investigate the loss of controlled items, including weapons and vehicles. These documents have never seen the light of day and the findings have never been shared with the Joint Standing Committee on Defence.


“It was the greatest military disaster in the history of democratic South Africa. Yet a year later we are still none the wiser about what really happened in CAR,” Maynier said. Thirteen soldiers died in the firefight and anther two succumbed to their wounds.

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 17:45
Operation Copper now only with SA and Mozambique


20 March 2014 by Guy Martin - defenceWeb


Operation Copper, the mission to provide maritime security and prevent piracy in the Mozambique Channel, is now a bilateral operation between South Africa and Mozambique after Tanzania withdrew.


According to Lieutenant Colonel Piet Paxton of the SANDF's Joint Operations Division, Tanzania withdrew from the operation some 18 months ago.


During the height of piracy in 2011, Somali pirates ventured far south and began attacking vessels in the waters between Africa and Madagascar. In December 2010 two vessels were attacked off Mozambique and a Mozambique-flagged fishing vessel was hijacked.

These incidents prompted South Africa in 2011 to establish Operation Copper to patrol the Mozambique Channel and in early 2012 sign a memorandum of understanding with Southern African Development community (SADC) members Mozambique and Tanzania to maintain the anti-piracy watch and. Since then, frigates, offshore patrol vessels and maritime surveillance aircraft have been deployed to Mozambican waters.


The Navy frigate SAS Spioenkop with a Super Lynx helicopter is currently on station in the Mozambique Channel while a C-47TP maritime surveillance aircraft is based in Pemba. At the moment there are around 220 SANDF personnel on land and at sea as part of Copper, with the majority aboard the frigate. The frigate will be rotated sometime next month as it is due to depart for Simons Town on March 31.


Mozambique’s contribution to Operation Copper includes personnel stationed on the frigates or strike craft – usually a dozen personnel on the frigate and less than half a dozen aboard the strike craft.


Paxton said that Operation Copper has been very successful with no piracy incidents in the last three years that the South African Navy has been patrolling the region. If pirates get their foot in the door, then the busy Cape sea lane will be threatened. He said that South Africa will continue with Copper, until president and commander-in-chief Jacob Zuma decides that it is time to withdraw.


Speaking to the media in February, defence minister Nosiviwe Mapisa-Nqakula said the reduction in piracy, “is as a result of our presence in the Mozambique Channel. Now they know they can’t go down that far,” she said. “The presence of the SANDF serves as a deterrent…if we go, the pirates may come back.”


SA Navy Fleet media liaison officer, Commander Adrian Dutton, said all four frigates – SAS Amatola, SAs Isandlwana, SAS Mendi and SAS Spioenkop – as well as the Navy’s replenishment vessel, SAS Drakensberg, and two of it its offshore patrol vessels (OPVs), SAS Galeshewe and SAS Isaac Dyobha, have done time on station in the Mozambique Channel.


These platforms have been supported by elements of the SA Air Force, notably a 35 Squadron C-47TP based at Pemba in Mozambique, as well as Oryx helicopters from the Durban, Hoedspruit and Zwartkop air force bases.


Drakensberg is the only SA Navy vessel to have been involved in a pirate incident when she was requested to take up a stopper position by the European Union Naval Force to prevent a suspected pirate ship from escaping EU pursuit in April 2012.


For the 2013/14 period, some R585 million was allocated for anti-piracy operations as part of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) Maritime Security Strategy. Operation Copper cost R150 million in 2011 and 2012, according to a written parliamentary reply.


Note: After this story was published, Joy Peter, the defence minister's spokesperson, said the agreement between Mozambique, Tanzania and South Africa was still in place.

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 17:45
Saab Grintek Defence wins Exporter Award for second year in a row

The Saab office complex in Centurion


24 March 2014 by defenceWeb


Local company Saab Grintek Defence (SGD) has been given the Exporter Award for the second year running at the annual South Africa Premier Business Awards.


The SA Premier Business Awards celebrates business excellence in South Africa and is organised by the Department of Trade and Industry (DTI), in partnership with Proudly South Africa and Brand South Africa.


The Exporter Award aims to recognise all export industry sectors and encourages other South African companies to participate in international business development and markets, SGD said. The Award further aims to recognise South African enterprises which invest in both human and technical resources in various projects or activities, produce quality products and services and remain domestically and internationally competitive.


Saab Grintek Defence was awarded the same award in 2013, the year the company celebrated a record year in terms of exports and subsequent revenue income for South Africa. The company has continued on its growth, celebrating various successes on the international and local front – making it a deserving winner of the distinguished Exporter Award, SGD said.


Magnus Lewis-Olsson, CEO of Saab Grintek Defence, Molly Mogotsi of Export and Shipping, Evelyn Motsatsing of Business Support and Chris Skinner, Head of Marketing and Sales received the award.


“We are very proud of this award as it shows the valuable contribution SGD continues to make to South Africa’s revenue. We continuously strive to market, sell and develop new products – this Award serves as renewed inspiration to continue on our successful path,” said Lewis-Olsson.


Roughly 95 percent of systems manufactured at Saab’s headquarters in Centurion, South Africa, are sold to export markets, making it a valuable source of income for South Africa. These include Electronic Warfare Self Protection Suites, Maritime ESM Systems, Civilian Aircraft Missile Protection Systems, Communications Management Systems, In-flight Data Recording Systems, Health and Usage Monitoring Systems.

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 17:45
Operation Copper still up and running



24 March 2014 by Kim Helfrich


Any possible review of the Southern African Development Community (SADC) tri-nation agreement on counter-piracy operations in the Mozambique Channel could be an agenda item for next month’s Standing Maritime Committee meeting.


In the meantime it’s business as usual for SAS Spioenkop, the current SA Navy asset on station in the area, according to Defence and Military Veterans Ministerial spokesman Joy Peter.


She said the agreement, between Mozambique, Tanzania and South Africa, remained “effective”.


“As recently as March 21 at a meeting of the Joint Permanent Commission on Defence and Security reform the governments of Mozambique and Tanzania stressed the importance of bringing into force the trilateral agreement on maritime security signed by South Africa, Mozambique and Tanzania,” she added.


Peter also said no indication has been received for any request to review the tri-national agreement on counter-piracy operations off the lower east coast of Africa.


South Africa is by far the major contributor to Operation Copper, the code name given to the counter-piracy tasking, providing at least one maritime platform as well as a C-47TP maritime aircraft and rotary-winged aircraft including Super Lynx and Oryx. In addition to ship’s crews the Navy has also deployed elements of its Maritime Reaction Squadron (MRS) aboard vessels in the Mozambique Channel.


While the bulk of counter-piracy taskings have been given to the Navy’s Valour Class frigates, offshore patrol vessels and the Navy’s single replenishment vessel SAS Drakensberg have also spent time on station.


SA Air Force’s assets, with the exception of the Lynx maritime helicopters aboard the frigates, are based at Pemba.


The Mozambican contribution has been in the form of sea riders deployed on South African Navy vessels in the area of operations. Further assistance from South Africa’s eastern neighbour has been in the form of co-ordination, collaboration and information sharing in executing the mission objective she said.

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 17:40
source Vladislav Seleznev

source Vladislav Seleznev



24 mars 2014 07h54 Romandie.com (AFP)


KIEV - Les forces russes ont pris d'assaut lundi à l'aube une base militaire ukrainienne à Féodossia en Crimée, a indiqué sur sa page Facebook le porte-parole des forces ukrainiennes en Crimée Vladislav Seleznev.


L'opération a été menée avec des blindés légers et des hélicoptères, des coups de feu ont été entendus, selon la même source. Trois camions transportant les soldats ukrainiens les mains liées ont quitté la base deux heures plus tard, a ajouté le porte-parole.


Aucune information n'a été donnée quant à une éventuelle résistance armée de l'unité d'infanterie de marine des forces ukrainiennes attaquée par les forces russes à Feodossia.


Les forces russes et pro-russes ont occupé ces derniers jours sans combats plusieurs bases ukrainiennes en Crimée et saisi plusieurs bateaux de la flotte ukrainienne, dont l'essentiel est basée dans les ports de la péninsule désormais rattachée à la Russie malgré les protestations de Kiev et de l'Occident.


La situation en Crimée est complexe. Ces derniers jours des navires ont été bloqués puis saisis (par les Russes), en dépit du fait que tous les commandants avaient l'ordre d'utiliser les armes, a reconnu dimanche le ministre ukrainien de la Défense Igor Tenioukh.


Les forces russes en Crimée cherchent depuis quatre jours à s'emparer des dernières bases encore tenues par les forces ukrainiennes.


Deux bases ont été saisies samedi par les forces russes, à Novofedorivka et à Belbek.


Des tirs ont été entendus lors de l'opération contre la base de Belbek, et le ministère ukrainien de la Défense, confirmant l'évacuation de la base par ses hommes, a fait état de deux blessés, un journaliste et un soldat ukrainien.

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 17:40
La Crimée se vide de ses militaires ukrainiens


24-03-2014 à 13:28 par RFI


Conséquence directe de l’annexion de la Crimée par la Russie la semaine dernière, les forces russes cherchent depuis quatre jours à s’emparer des dernières bases encore tenues par l’armée ukrainienne. Dernier épisode en date : la prise d’assaut ce lundi 24 mars au matin d’une base militaire ukrainienne à Feodossia. Mais les coups de force seront désormais inutiles en Crimée, Kiev venant de décider le retrait de ses forces.

Selon le communiqué du ministère ukrainien de la Défense, le commandant de la base à Feodossia et son adjoint ont été jetés à terre et ont reçu des coups de pied au visage. Un hélicoptère les a ensuite emmenés dans une direction inconnue. Plusieurs soldats ukrainiens auraient été blessés et entre soixante et quatre-vingts capturés.

L’attaque a été menée avec des blindés légers et des hélicoptères. Des tirs de mitrailleuses ont été entendus. Selon les autorités ukrainiennes, les Russes auraient posé comme condition de la libération des militaires retenus, « le départ des officiers ukrainiens de Crimée vers l’Ukraine continentale ».



Un vœu exaucé de fait, puisqu’à Kiev, le président par intérim, Oleksandre Tourtchinov, a indiqué ce même jour que les forces ukrainiennes encore en Crimée allaient se retirer. Un véritable changement de ton : les autorités ukrainiennes avaient autorisé jusque-là l’usage de la force pour défendre ses bases. Une consigne sans effets puisque la décision appartient au commandant du complexe investi.

Ainsi les forces russes ont occupé ces derniers jours pratiquement sans combat plusieurs bases ukrainiennes en Crimée et ont saisi plusieurs bateaux de la flotte ukrainienne. Les humiliations subies par les militaires en Crimée sont de plus en plus mal vécues par l’opinion publique ukrainienne, qui commence à demander des explications au gouvernement.

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 17:40
Kiev décide de transférer ses troupes de Crimée vers l'Ukraine continentale


24 mars 2014 10h48 Romandie.com (AFP)


KIEV - L'Ukraine a décidé lundi de retirer ses troupes de Crimée, a indiqué le président par intérim Olexandre Tourtchinov, alors que l'essentiel des bases ukrainiennes sur la péninsule sont passées sous le contrôle de la Russie.


Le Conseil de sécurité nationale et de défense a ordonné au ministère de la Défense de redéployer les unités militaires qui se trouvent en Crimée, a déclaré M. Tourtchinov devant les chefs de groupes parlementaires.


La péninsule a été rattachée à la Russie vendredi dernier, malgré les sanctions et les protestations occidentales.


L'annonce de M. Tourtchinov marque un changement de position des autorités ukrainiennes qui avaient auparavant autorisé les militaires à tirer pour défendre leurs bases en Crimée occupée depuis plus de trois semaines par les troupes russes.


Mais la décision finale appartenait aux commandants sur le terrain et les bases sont tombées pratiquement sans combat aux mains des Russes.


Les forces russes et pro-russes ont également saisi ces derniers jours plusieurs bateaux de la flotte ukrainienne, dont l'essentiel est basé dans les ports de la péninsule.


Les forces russes ont pris d'assaut lundi à l'aube une base militaire ukrainienne à Feodossia en Crimée, une opération au cours de laquelle plusieurs fusiliers marins ukrainiens ont été blessés et entre 60 et 80 capturés, selon le ministère ukrainien de la Défense.

Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 17:35
source Les Yeux du Monde

source Les Yeux du Monde

24.03.2014 Charles CASTA - Portail de l'I.E.

Depuis 2012, et malgré les récentes déclarations amicales de Washington et Pékin, on observe une montée des tensions dans le Pacifique. Parallèlement, l'Asean refuse de prendre position, tiraillée en interne entre partisans américains et chinois. Dans le cadre d' un éventuel conflit, quelles seraient alors les options de l'organisation asiatique?


Le sommet informel de juin 2013 entre Barack Obama et son homologue chinois Xi Jinping a laissé entrevoir la possibilité d’un apaisement des tensions dans les relations sino-américaines comme en témoigne la déclaration du président chinois qui souhaite voir émerger une nouvelle ère de relations bilatérales basées sur la paix, la tolérance et la coopération. Néanmoins, les nombreux incidents qui ont émaillé la fin de l’année 2013 (instauration chinoise d’une zone aérienne d’identification en mer de Chine de l’Est et d’une zone de pêche contrôlée en mer de Chine du Sud, incident entre le navire militaire américain Cowpens et une frégate chinoise) laissent plutôt penser que l’affrontement stratégique entre Pékin et Washington dans le Pacifique est sérieux et s’inscrit dans le long terme. A côté des deux premières puissances mondiales, la puissance régionale montante, l’Asean, créé en 1967 à Bangkok, tente de résoudre pacifiquement les conflits et de prévenir l'escalade des tensions impliquant la Chine et une majorité de ses dix Etats membres. Si l’organisation a jusqu’à présent toujours réussi à empêcher la naissance d’un conflit armé, quel serait son rôle dans un affrontement sino-américain ?


Les raisons laissant penser à un futur conflit


De retour en Asie du Sud-Est depuis 2011, les Etats-Unis ont officiellement justifié ce revirement géostratégique par la volonté d’assurer la liberté de navigation en mer de Chine. Officieusement, il s’agit surtout de contrer la politique offensive chinoise et de rassurer ses alliés japonais ou coréen. Retour sur les points sensibles de la zone Pacifique :

Quelle place pour l’Asean dans le futur conflit sino-américain dans le Pacifique ?


Situées à 90 milles nautiques à l’ouest d’Okinawa, les îles Senkaku sont une source de tensions récurrente depuis que la  République de Chine en dispute la souveraineté au Japon. Objet de tensions croissantes depuis 2010, l’aspect économique constitue le cœur du conflit dans la mesure où les eaux bordant l’archipel recèlent d’importants gisements d’hydrocarbures (champ gazier de Chunxiao) et de ressources halieutiques (bonite notamment). La nationalisation récente de l’archipel revêt une double importance pour Tokyo : faire étalage de sa puissance face au voisin chinois et tester son allié américain.


Quelle place pour l’Asean dans le futur conflit sino-américain dans le Pacifique ?

Les relations entre la Chine et le Japon se sont encore tendues fin novembre 2013 suite à la décision unilatérale chinoise d’instaurer une « zone aérienne d’identification » (ZAI) dans l’espace aérien des îles Senkaku. En réaction, Tokyo a pour la seconde fois depuis 2010 modifié sa stratégie de défense, en accroissant l’intégration et la mobilité de son armée. Cette nouvelle stratégie permettrait au Japon de reprendre les îles du Sud-Ouest de l’Archipel dans l’hypothèse d’une invasion chinoise. Parallèlement, Washington a immédiatement réagit en envoyant deux bombardiers B52 survoler la zone. Si l’annonce, le 31 Janvier dernier, par le quotidien japonais « The Asahi Shimbun » de l’intention chinoise d’instaurer une nouvelle ZAI dans la partie sud de la mer de Chine s’avérait réelle, on peut se demander comment réagirait Washington qui a déjà refusé de reconnaitre la première zone.

L’instauration chinoise d’un accord préalable de pêche : Le 1er Janvier dernier, Pékin a annoncé la mise en place d’un accord préalable de pêche pour tout navire étranger souhaitant pêcher dans les eaux de mer de Chine du sud. Officiellement mise en œuvre pour préserver les ressources halieutiques de la zone et  protéger la pérennité de l’industrie de pêche, cette décision s’est accompagnée de l’envoi de patrouilleurs dans la zone ainsi qu’en Malaisie.

Pékin a aussi répliqué à la mise en place de la stratégie américaine « Air Sea Battle » par le déploiement de missiles anti-navires dans le cadre de sa stratégie « A2/AD ». Cette décision est vécue par Washington comme la volonté chinoise d’empêcher, dans le cadre d’un futur conflit, toute progression américaine dans la zone.

Enfin, la lutte pour le contrôle de la voie maritime Sulu-Sulawesi-Makassar-Lombok oppose chinois et américains à propos d’une faille sous-marine traversant l’archipel des Spratleys d’Ouest en Est. Contrôler cette faille permettrait à Washington ou Pékin de posséder une alternative au détroit de Malacca en cas de crise internationale. Cela permettrait également d’avoir un œil sur la mer de Sulu et notamment le détroit de Balabac, qui est depuis 2012 au centre des préoccupations australienne, philippine et américaine. Ce point stratégique permet de contrôler les flux des sous-marins chinois dans la zone. Ce n’est d’ailleurs pas innocent si les Etats-Unis ont inauguré il y a peu une nouvelle base à Darwin en Australie.


Quelles conséquences pour l’ASEAN ?

Les tensions sino-américaines, directes ou indirectes, ont des répercussions inévitables sur l’Asean. Si les Etats membres de l’organisation ont toujours refusé de choisir entre Washington et Pékin, afin de préserver ses valeurs d’unité et de neutralité, cet « Asean way » est à l’heure actuelle soumis à rude épreuve. En effet, depuis le retour des Etats-Unis dans la zone Pacifique, plusieurs pays membres de l’Asean comme le Vietnam ou la Birmanie s'en sont rapprochés pour contrer la menace chinoise. Ces stratégies ont des répercussions au sein de l’Asean qui voit son unité menacée entre les «pro-chinois » d’une part (Cambodge, Laos) et les pro-américains d’autre part (Vietnam, Philippines). Quels sont alors les scenarii envisageables pour l’organisation dans ses relations avec la Chine et les Etats-Unis ?

 - Un rapprochement avec la Chine pour approfondir la coopération économique. L’Asean reconnait elle-même que « l’Asean + 3 » (Chine, Japon et Corée Sud) est l’architecture diplomatique la plus à-même de bâtir une communauté est-asiatique. Dans ce scénario, les Etats membres se rapprocheraient du voisin chinois avec lequel ils ont déjà planifié des projets d’intégration économique et de développement notamment dans les domaines touristiques, technologiques et d’infrastructures. Choisir Pékin plutôt que Washington relèverait donc d’une stratégie économique visant à développer l’intégration économique et profiter des énormes débouchés offerts par la croissance chinoise. Etant donné que les Etats-Unis refusent de s’impliquer dans les affaires internes de l’Asean, ce scénario ne pourrait être exclu à l’avenir.

 - Un rapprochement avec les Etats-Unis pour contrer la menace militaire et l’influence grandissante de Pékin. Dans ce scenario, les Etats membres de l’Asean opteraient pour la protection militaire offerte par Washington dans le cadre des conflits territoriaux en mer de Chine. Certains pays comme les Philippines ou le Vietnam ont d’ailleurs déjà effectué de choix. Coté économique, ce rapprochement pourrait aboutir à terme à la mise en place du partenariat Trans-Pacifique. Quatre pays (Vietnam, Brunei, Malaisie et Singapour) participent actuellement aux négociations. Cela pourrait également accélérer la mise en place de l’initiative E3 « Expanded Economic Engagement » qui vise à accroitre le commerce et les investissements entre les Etats-Unis et l’Asean.

 - Rester dans ligne directrice historique du « non alignement ». La troisième option reste le statu quo et l’arbitrage entre les influences américaine et chinoise. Cette stratégie a déjà fait ses preuves par le passé mais est de plus en plus dangereuse à l’heure d’une montée des tensions dans la rivalité sino-américaine. De plus, cet arbitrage pourrait à terme menacer l’unité de l’organisation. Pour William Toe, professeur à l’université nationale australienne, la stratégie de « l’Asean way » de l’Asean doit être remise en question si l’organisation ne veut pas imploser.


Partager cet article
24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 16:50
Interview de Marwan Lahoud, Chief Strategy and Marketing Officer Airbus Group (SDBR)


Propos recueillis par Alain Establier - Lettre SECURITY DEFENSE Business Review n° 102 – Mars 2014



SDBR : Dans la nouvelle entité Airbus Defence & Space, vous avez évoqué un changement de périmètre. Pouvez-vous nous en dire plus ?


source Airbus Group

source Airbus Group


Marwan Lahoud : Actuellement nous faisons un inventaire complet des activités d’Airbus military, de Cassidian et d’Astrium, les 3 composantes d’Airbus Defence & Space (ADS), qui devrait aboutir vers le mois de juin. Tout ne sera peut-être pas encore figé à ce moment-là, mais nous aurons alors une bonne vision de l’existant pour pouvoir prendre des décisions au 2ème semestre 2014. Rien n’est fermé, ce qui signifie que le changement de périmètre pourrait aussi bien entrainer des cessions d’activités que des acquisitions de sociétés.


Dans ADS, il y a « Defence and Space » dans l’intitulé. Quid des activités civiles ?


Marwan Lahoud : Il n’y a pas de sous-entendu dans cet intitulé. Les activités civiles auxquelles vous faites allusion sont  essentiellement des activités spatiales, ou bien les activités de réseaux sécurisés. Nous n’abordons pas les activités sous cet angle, à savoir est-ce de la défense ou non, mais selon le Core business d’Airbus Group : est-ce que cela vole, est-ce que cela contribue à des objets volants ou est-ce que cette activité contribue à la notoriété du groupe, est-ce que cette activité contribue au positionnement du groupe en tant qu’acteur de la défense ou de l’espace ? Une fois que nous avons répondu à ces questions nous étudions les critères financiers, à savoir est-ce une activité rentable ou non, est-ce une activité capitalistique ou non ? Toutes ces questions nous permettront de décider de la pérennité de telle ou telle activité dans le groupe. Une fois que la décision sera prise de garder ou non une activité, il nous faudra réfléchir aux moyens de la conserver et de la développer, ou bien de la vendre, à condition qu’il y ait des acheteurs…


Peut-on parler des drones ?


Interview de Marwan Lahoud, Chief Strategy and Marketing Officer Airbus Group (SDBR)


Marwan Lahoud : Les drones ! Prenons l’exemple du Talarion (projet de drone Male de Cassidian). Nous avons annoncé avoir lancé le Talarion en une coopération de la France, de l’Allemagne, de l’Italie et de la Turquie. Qu’en était-il en fait ? Quatre industriels avaient signé une lettre disant en substance : « s’il y a un programme de drone Male et si tout le monde est d’accord, alors nous le ferons ensemble… ». La réalité était un peu différente : la France n’a ni argent ni programme de drone Male, l’Allemagne non plus (en tous cas à ce jour, car le gouvernement vient de changer), l’Italie on ne sait pas et la Turquie non plus. Voilà la réalité. En revanche ce qui est sûr, c’est que si nous ne faisons pas rapidement de la technologie de drone en Europe, nous serons dépassés technologiquement pour l’aéronautique de l’horizon 2040 ! Comme on le constate avec les avions commerciaux, l’évolution va toujours dans la même direction. Il y a un enjeu majeur de l’objet volant sans pilote, qui ne peut être ni sous-estimé ni oublié. Au même moment, aux Etats-Unis et en Israël, les technologies « unmanned » se sont considérablement développées. Donc, si nous ne faisons pas d’effort sur ce sujet nous serons vite dépassés.


La Turquie rechigne à prendre livraison de ses A400M. Pourquoi ?


A400M MSN9 - photo Airbus DS

A400M MSN9 - photo Airbus DS


Marwan Lahoud : C’est toujours très ennuyeux. Sur un avion livrable, il existe des centaines de points de contrôle techniques or nous assistons à une contre-négociation contractuelle pour des points de détail. Tant que le client ne prend pas possession de l’avion, bien sûr le solde contractuel n’est pas dû… Le problème, c’est que l’industriel a lui une chaîne à faire tourner et des cadences à tenir. De plus cela fait mauvais effet sur les autres clients.


Quid du psychodrame entre Astrium et Thales Alenia Space ?


Marwan Lahoud : L’idée qu’on entend parfois, « il y a des difficultés chez TAS, il y a des difficultés chez Astrium, marions-les et tout ira mieux », est pour moi de la stratégie à deux sous… Je comprends que cela puisse passionner certains, friands de grand meccano industriel, mais un industriel est d’abord intéressé par la charge de ses usines, ce qui permet de faire tourner ses outils de production. S’il y a des activités à arrêter chez Astrium, nous les arrêterons et s’il y en a à développer, nous les développerons. Mais pour pouvoir acheter une activité, il faut un vendeur et un acheteur. Il faut sortir de la logique qui consiste à penser que toute idée de meccano se concrétisera forcément. Aujourd’hui, nous ne sommes pas vendeur et il en est de même pour Thales, il me semble.


Nos missiliers sont parfois en concurrence. Quel est votre avis sur ce sujet ?


photo MBDA

photo MBDA


Marwan Lahoud : MBDA est dans notre Core business et c’est une participation rentable dont nous sommes très contents. Si vous faites référence à l’Arabie saoudite, il faut replacer les choses dans leur contexte en y mettant des chiffres. En Arabie saoudite, il s’agit d’un budget de 4 milliards sur 20 ans pour la défense aérienne (soit 200M par an en moyenne). Le chiffre d’affaires annuel de MBDA est de 3,5 milliards, donc ramenons les sujets à leur juste proportion.


Concernant l’A380, vous avez souligné l’effort de ventes qu’il y avait à faire par Airbus. Avez-vous des espoirs en chine ?


Marwan Lahoud : C’est un avion qui a été conçu pour le marché chinois. D’ailleurs, les compagnies chinoises étaient parmi les compagnies aériennes qui ont été réunies dans le groupe de travail qui a donné les spécifications du projet de l’A380…                                 


* Airbus Group : http://www.airbusgroup.com

Partager cet article


  • : RP Defense
  • : Web review defence industry - Revue du web industrie de défense - company information - news in France, Europe and elsewhere ...
  • Contact


Articles Récents