July 11, 2013: Strategy Page

Most of Israel’s neighbors are undergoing violent upheavals. Lebanon has increasing violence between Sunni and Shia supporters of their respective factions in neighboring Syria. There, the civil war between the Sunni majority and the Shia minority dictatorship has killed over 100,000 people in two years and grinds on. In Egypt the uprising that overthrew the decades old Mubarak two years ago repeated itself when the disappointing and very unpopular Morsi government that replaced Mubarak was shut down by the army.  The 2011 uprising was against corruption and debilitating misrule. Egyptians have noticed that while many other nations have prospered in the last half century Egypt has stagnated. This sense of loss was behind all the Arab Spring uprisings, but most have subsequently suffered from new governments dominated by Islamic conservatives. This was because the dictatorships were able to stifle rival political parties to maintain their rule, but could not shut down what went on in the mosques or religious schools. Here opposition politicians who were Islamic conservatives (or radicals) could survive and reach large numbers of dissatisfied people with the message that Islamic law (Sharia) and politicians who were devout Moslems were the solution. History, both recent and ancient, has shown this to be a false hope but for most Moslems it was the most convenient alternative once the dictatorship was overthrown. In Egypt there had been active Islamic political groups for most of the last century. The main one was the Moslem Brotherhood, which was suppressed by the succession of army dominated governments (that pretended to be democratic but rigged the elections) that began in the 1950s. The Brotherhood split over this, with most of them returning to Mosque based politics and doing what they could to improve the lives of Egyptians. A minority of Brotherhood members went radical and were crushed in the 1990s, after a major outbreak of terrorism. Some of the leaders fled Egypt, and one of them now is the head of al Qaeda. Several of these Moslem Brotherhood leaders (and many followers) helped organize al Qaeda.

The 1990s experience left many Egyptians hostile to Islamic radicalism and suspicious of the Moslem Brotherhood in general. This all played out after the Mubarak government fell in early 2011 and the army helped organize the first honest elections seen in Egypt for decades. The Moslem Brotherhood was the only political force that was organized, experienced and allowed to participate (all the pro-Mubarak parties were banned). The Egyptian middle class (small businessmen and those with an education, even if poor) could not organize in time and the generals knew it. For a year after the uprising the army, and its many corrupt officers, ran a caretaker government and because the unrest had caused higher unemployment (because tourists have stopped coming and foreign and local investment has slowed down a lot because of the uncertainty) any new government would have to take quick action to revive economic activity. Fearing that the Islamic conservatives, who won most of the seats in the new parliamentary elections, would prosecute corrupt army officers and dismantle the economic empire the army has built over the last few decades, the military actively attacked demonstrators, journalists and organizations that advised on how to make a democracy work.  The urban democrats were uneasy about the Islamic conservative political parties and the possibility of a religious dictatorship. But Islamic conservatives, especially the Moslem Brotherhood insisted that this would not happen.  The foreign pro-democracy activists were helping Egyptians more effectively demonstrate against the army, and the army struck back. But Egypt depended a lot on foreign aid, much of it going directly to the army. These aid donors did not like seeing their citizens (foreign aid workers) locked up, and pressured the Egyptian generals to let them go. The army did not have to worry because the Moslem Brotherhood dominated government was beholden to other, often more radical, Islamic groups and imposed rules that hurt tourism and hinted at an attempt to establish a religious dictatorship. The military leaders knew that a religious dictatorship had not been good for their contemporaries in Iran and refused to do anything about the growing anti-government demonstrations and collapsing economy.

Then the army demanded that the Moslem Brotherhood dominated government resign and allow a new one, not dominated by the Islamic conservatives and radicals to be formed. President Morsi refused and was arrested. This was greeted with cheers by the millions of demonstrators still in the streets. Morsi and the Moslem Brotherhood are held responsible for the economic depression since the Arab Spring began two years ago and for generally ignoring the needs of the people. In practice, Morsi attempts to improve the economy were most often stymied by the wealthy (and largely pro-Mubarak) families that do not favor a real democracy, but rather an oligarchy (government controlled by the wealthiest families). It was these families and the army leadership that have the most to fear from a truly democratic government (that would and could punish the corrupt officials, businessmen and generals who profited the most from supporting Mubarak). The unspoken message to any post-Morsi government is that if you don’t mess with the families or the generals, perhaps we can get the economy going again. But the economy will never get into high gear as long as so much of it is controlled by corrupt factions that care more for their own power and wealth than for the overall prosperity of Egypt.

The revolution in Egypt is far from over. While all this unrest next door is uncomfortable for Israelis, it is not a major threat. The Egyptian military does not want war with Israel (which the generals know they would lose, big time, along with billions in American aid), nor do most Egyptians. The Islamic radicals, including Hamas in Gaza, do wish harm to Israel. But the Islamic radicals are anathema to most Egyptians and even the Morsi government was forced to crack down. The problem (or advantage) with Islamic radicals is that tend to turn on those who actually support them and hasten their own demise. Better relations with Israel would be of great economic benefit to Egypt but that is not likely to happen until the malign effects of generations of anti-Israel and anti-Semitic propaganda are tended to. That would take years and Egypt hasn’t even considered going there yet. What any new Egyptian government will have to do is show some economic results, and fast.

The Moslem Brotherhood and other Islamic conservative groups that supported the Morsi government are now organizing protests. Some of the more radical Morsi supporters are planning terror attacks. All this will only increase the popular dislike for the Brotherhood and Islamic radicals. There will always be Islamic conservatives in Egypt, but the memories of the 1990s linger, on both sides of this political fence.

The ouster of Morsi is bad news for Hamas in Gaza. Because Morsi favored Islamic radical beliefs, Hamas saw Morsi as a friend. Morsi, however, insisted that Hamas help control the Islamic radicals in Gaza who considered Morsi “too moderate.” Hamas was happy to comply, because these radical groups considered Hamas too mainstream as well. With the departure of Morsi, the political winds have shifted and not in favor of Hamas. To be on the safe side Hamas has not criticized the Egyptian Army for overthrowing Morsi and is hoping for the best, while bracing for the worst.

Israel has increased military training exercises on the Lebanese and Syrian borders. Reserve units are being prepared for any possible spillover of violence into Israel. On the Egyptian border Israeli cooperation with their Egyptian counterparts improved during the year of Morsi rule and that has not changed with the overthrow of Morsi. Most Egyptians, especially those in the security forces, are hostile to all forms of Islamic extremism.

The pro-Islamic government in Turkey was not happy with the overthrow of Morsi, who was not seen as an ally of Turkey, but at least a kindred (Islamic) spirit. Some Turkish Islamic conservatives blame Israel for the fall of Morsi, but then these guys blame Israel for everything bad. Turkey is suffering from anti-government demonstrations. Not because the government has hurt the economy (quite the opposite) but because there is growing fear that the Islamic conservatives that dominate the government are becoming less democratic and more dictatorial.

In the last two months anti-Israel violence in the West Bank is down by about two-thirds. Most of the violence consisted of throwing rocks or fire bombs (bottles full of flammable liquid) at soldiers, police and Israeli civilians. After the November 2012 “war” with Hamas in Gaza many Palestinians in the West Bank wanted to start another major wave of violence and the amount of such violence in the West Bank started to climb. But the Israelis identified and jailed most of the leaders and organizers of the increased violence and eventually even the Palestinian government in the West Bank agreed to cooperate as the increased violence and Israeli response (more movement restrictions) angered most Palestinians, who saw nothing good coming from it.

July 10, 2013: Although the Egyptian military role in overthrowing the Morsi government was technically a coup (by American definition) and U.S. law bans military aid to any country that suffers such a coup, the U.S. is continuing to deliver military aid to Egypt. The Americans cannot ignore the fact the Morsi was unpopular and his removal was very popular in Egypt. So the American lawyers and politicians are scrambling to create some plausible reason to continue aid to Egypt.

The army is using Moslem Brotherhood organized demonstrations and violence as justification to order the arrest of more Brotherhood leaders. The army is doing what it did two decades ago to cripple Brotherhood capabilities.

July 8, 2013: The military revealed that it had activated a new military Cyber War units dedicated to monitoring networks for Internet based attacks and organizing a quick response. Photos of the operations center for this new unit were shown.

For the first time since the F-16I was introduced in 1998, one suffered an engine failure and crashed. The two man crew ejected and were picked up off the coast. The air force temporarily grounded all its F-16s and F-15s until it could be determined that there was not some common problem at fault.

In Egypt the army opened fire on a demonstration by Islamic radicals and Morsi supporters, killing over fifty of the demonstrators and wounding over a hundred. The army said some of the demonstrators opened fire on the soldiers.

July 7, 2013: The government repeated warnings to Israelis to stay out of the Sinai Peninsula unless it was absolutely necessary. The government noted that Islamic terrorists are more active in the Sinai, as are Egyptian troops and police trying to control the situation.

Hamas revealed that its police had broken up a gang that was counterfeiting Israeli currency and getting it into circulation via Gaza market places. The 100 Shekel ($27.65) notes were good enough to fool some merchants but the counterfeiting was soon noted and the hunt for those responsible was on. The three arrested counterfeiters had already created about $5.5 million worth of these fake notes.

July 5, 2013: There was a large explosion at the Syrian naval base at Latakia. Syrian rebels said this was probably an Israeli missile attack on the warehouse holding new anti-ship missiles recently received from Russia. These high-speed P-800/Yakhont missiles have a range of about 300 kilometers and a 200 kg (440 pound) warhead.

In the Sinai Islamic terrorists made four attacks on security personnel, killing one soldier and wounding three. The attackers were believed to have come from Gaza, so the main border crossing from Gaza to Egypt at Rafah was closed indefinitely.

In Cairo there was a large demonstration by Islamic radicals and Morsi supporters. One demonstrator was killed.

The Egyptian military shut down parliament until new elections.

July 4, 2013: Explosions were heard near the Israeli city of Eilat (at the northern end of the Red Sea.) It was later discovered that at least one 122mm rocket was fired from the nearby Egyptian Sinai Desert. A week later Israeli troops found 122mm rocket fragments outside Eilat. The last such attack was last April. These attacks are launched by Islamic terrorists operating in the Sinai Peninsula.

July 3, 2013: President Morsi was arrested by the army and his government was replaced by military rule until new elections could be held.

July 11, 2013: Strategy Page

The U.S. Army has found that GPS guided shells were more successful, but less frequently used, than anticipated. So they reduced orders for these weapons, which entered service in 2007. The GPS guided 155mm Excalibur shells were used less frequently largely because other precision munitions often take out targets before Excalibur gets a chance to. There’s a growing number of other GPS (or laser) guided weapons available.  The GPS guided MLRS (GMLRS) rocket has been especially popular. And the army uses a lot of laser guided Hellfire missiles, fired from AH-64 helicopter gunships. In addition to the reduction in Excalibur production, the army cut orders for GPS guided 120mm mortar shells (introduced in 2011) after a year of use.

Excalibur had other problems, mainly in the form of PGK (Projectile Guidance Kit) shells. PGK is actually a large fuze, that screws into the front of a 155mm or 105mm shell. This longer fuze contains a GPS and small fins to guide the shell to a precision hit. It is less precise than Excalibur. That is, the PGK will ensure that the shell lands within 50 meters of the target. If it does not hit within 150 meters, PGK deactivates and the shell does not explode. An unguided shell will normally land within 250-300 meters of where it is aimed. An Excalibur shell lands within four meters of the target, but costs more than twice as much as PGK. The army recently sent the first PGKs to Afghanistan, after successful testing in the United States. The big question is how important will the troops find the accuracy differences of Excalibur and PGK.

Another factor that hurt the popularity of Excalibur, and the 120mm guided mortar shell, is cost. Excalibur was supposed to cost about $50,000 each. Eventually. After all the debugging, and after more of the shells were produced. But the cost is still about $100,000 per shell. The 120mm GPS (using the same tech as PGK) guided shell is also pricey, but not as much as Excalibur. GMLRS cost about $100,000 each, and have a much longer range, and a bigger bang.

Another edge GMLRS has is the HIMARS rocket launcher. Only costing about $3 million each, these smaller, truck mounted MLRS (HIMARS) rocket launcher systems have become very popular. HIMARS carries only one, six MLRS rocket, container (instead of two in the original MLRS vehicle). But the 12 ton truck can fit into a C-130 transport (unlike the 22 ton tracked MLRS) and is much cheaper to operate. The first HIMARS entered service in 2005, about a year after GPS guided rockets did.

The 309 kg (680 pound) GMLRS (guided multiple launch rocket system) missile is a GPS guided 227mm rocket. It was designed to have a range of 70 kilometers and the ability to land within meters of its intended target, at any range. This is possible because it uses GPS (plus a back-up inertial guidance system) to find its target. In 2008 the army tested GMLRS at max range (about 85 kilometers) and found that it worked fine. This enabled one HIMARS vehicle to provide support over a frontage of 170 kilometers, or, in places like Afghanistan, where the fighting can be anywhere, an area of over 20,000 square kilometers. This is a huge footprint for a single weapon (an individual HIMARS vehicle), and fundamentally changes the way you deploy artillery in combat. Excalibur has a max range of 37 kilometers, and 120mm mortars about 7.5 kilometers.

The U.S. Army is buying over 800 HIMARS vehicles along with 100,000 GMLRS rockets, most of them fitted with an 89 kg (196 pound) high explosive warhead. About half of that is actual explosives. These have been used with great success in Iraq and Afghanistan, where nearly two thousand have been fired so far. The guided rocket is much more effective than the older, unguided, version, and is replacing it in most cases. No more of the unguided rockets are being purchased by the U.S.. The accuracy of GMLRS means that one rocket does the job that previously required a dozen or more of the unguided ones. That's why HIMARS is so popular. While it only carries six rockets, that's often enough to last for days, even when there's a lot of combat.

The 120mm mortar round has about 2.2 kg (five pounds) of explosives, compared to 6.6 kg (15) pounds in a 155mm shell. The smaller explosive charges limits collateral damage to civilians. But in Afghanistan, it is more common to need a large bang (which GMLRS can deliver). Excalibur was more suited to Iraq, but the American troops have left there, and all the action is in Afghanistan. Moreover, there are a lot of precision weapons readily available to the infantry that have small warheads. The Javelin missile has a 4 kg (nine pound) warhead, and the larger TOW has a 5.9 kg (13 pound one.) The Hellfire missile has a 9 kg/20 pound warhead. The air force also has its SDB (114 kg/250 pound small diameter bomb, carrying 23 kg/51 pounds of explosives.).

Meanwhile, there is still demand for unguided 155mm and 120mm shells. There are times when you need firepower over a large area (several hundred meters by several hundred meters), and for this, unguided shells do the job best, and cheapest.

In response to this competition the Excalibur manufacturer has created a model that can be used in 127mm naval guns. These are found in hundreds of warships and enable these ships to use their 127mm guns to accurately hit targets over 40 kilometers inland.

MOSCOU, 11 juillet - RIA Novosti

Selon une source du ministère de la Défense, l'armée russe devrait s'équiper du système de combat individuel Ratnik au lieu du FELIN français, écrit le quotidien Izvestia du 11 juillet 2013.

L’Etat mènera ses essais d’août à novembre et les militaires russes pourraient recevoir leurs nouveaux équipements dès le début de l'année prochaine.

"Ratnik dépasse son prédécesseur – le système de combat Barmitsa - en termes de qualité, explique Alexandre Romaniouta, chef du département scientifique de l'armée de terre. L'ancien chef de l'état-major général Nikolaï Makarov s'était prononcé pour l'examen et la reproduction de l'analogue français FELIN mais bien que ce dernier ait quelques avantages mineurs, il est moins performant que Ratnik".

Le vice-premier ministre russe Dmitri Rogozine a probablement poussé les militaires vers ce choix : il a notamment déclaré le 4 juin que "le système de combat individuel Ratnik pourrait entrer en service dans un mois". Il a pourtant évoqué un certain nombre de problèmes sur les armes, qu'il faudra résoudre prochainement.

Un mois est déjà passé mais l'armée ne sera finalement dotée de Ratnik que début 2014, estiment des sources au ministère de la Défense. Cette imprécision est liée au fait que Dmitri Rogozine parlait en fait seulement du début des essais, pendant lesquels ce nouveau système devait être transmis à des unités du District militaire ouest et des troupes aéroportées.

"Les délais des essais et des livraisons de l'équipement Ratnik sont strictement respectés, souligne le colonel Romaniouta. Tout est conforme au contrat. En 2014 ce système équipera 5 à 7 unités et les autres le recevront pendant les cinq années à venir".

Les essais préliminaires de Ratnik ont permis d’évaluer plus de 100 éléments du système, notamment des casques, des gilets pare-balles et des moyens de protection. Les 40 exemplaires les plus performants participeront aux essais d'Etat.

La commande militaire d'Etat pour 2014 prévoit la livraison de plusieurs milliers de ces systèmes de combat individuels aux soldats de l'armée de terre, des troupes aéroportées et de la marine.

Le délai moyen de garantie de Ratnik étant de cinq ans, cet équipement sera transmis d'un militaire à un autre avant sa mise hors service. Et si le T-shirt n'est destiné qu'à un seul soldat, l'uniforme d'été pourrait servir à deux militaires. L'uniforme d'hiver restera en service encore plus longtemps aussi bien que les casques, les gilets pare-balle, les armes à feu et les couteaux.

L'uniforme actuel des soldats diffère considérablement du Ratnik par sa couleur, sa coupe et la structure des matériaux dont il est composé. Selon le ministre de la Défense Sergueï Choïgou, l'armée russe s'équipera d'ici 2015 d'un nouvel uniforme unifié destiné à l'usage quotidien. Les militaires n'auront donc pas besoin de changer pour utiliser le système Ratnik : ces nouveaux vêtements seront les mêmes pour tout le monde.

"Nous avons créé cet uniforme sans modélistes ni couturiers, raconte le colonel Romaniouta se référant aux créations de Valentin Ioudachkine, peu appréciées dans l'armée. On a fait tout nous-mêmes mais il dépasse significativement de nombreux analogues étrangers du point de vue de l'apparence et du confort".

11/07/2013 Ltt Alexandra Lesur-Tambuté - Armée de l'air

Le 9 juillet 2013, la dernière répétition du défilé aérien du 14 Juillet s’est déroulée à Paris, au-dessus des Champs-Élysées.

Pour cette ultime répétition, leader et Deputy (remplaçant) de chaque patrouille ont obligatoirement réalisé un passage au-dessus des Champs-Élysées. À 15h30, les plus chanceux ont pu ainsi voir passer la première partie du défilé aérien composée d’avions de chasse et de transport. Parmi eux notamment, le futur avion de transport tactique de l’armée de l’air, l’A400M Atlas. Mais aussi, plusieurs Rafale, Mirage, ravitailleurs C135, ou encore des avions étrangers tels qu’un C130 Hercules danois. Une heure après, c’était au tour des voilures tournantes d’effectuer un passage dans le ciel parisien avec des hélicoptères de l’armée de l’air, de l’armée de terre, de la marine nationale, de la gendarmerie et de la sécurité civile.

Le CDAOA à la tête du défilé aérien

Au sein du poste de commandement de conduite et de coordination (P3C) dissimulé sous une tente blanche au-dessus de l’Arc de Triomphe, le général Jean Borel, jusqu’alors directeur du défilé aérien, a laissé les commandes au général Thierry Caspar-Fille-Lambie, commandant de la défense aérienne et des opérations aériennes (CDAOA). En effet, le général Borel sera finalement intégré au défilé à pied, au sein d’un dispositif mettant à l’honneur les troupes engagées dans l’opération Serval, au Mali. Le général Caspar-Fille-Lambie est ainsi, pour la deuxième année consécutive, directeur du défilé. Au cours de l’entraînement, son œil expert a vérifié l’alignement, le respect de l’axe et du timing de chaque formation, donnant ainsi les dernières consignes si nécessaire.

Les bases aériennes prêtes 

Tous les aéronefs mobilisés pour le défilé aérien du 14 Juillet sont déjà positionnés sur les bases aériennes périphériques à la capitale. Ainsi, Villacoublay, Creil et Évreux ont dès à présent accueilli la majorité des équipages. Tout est définitivement prêt pour le 14 Juillet.

Le lieutenant Anthony Marchand aux commandes 

 Le lieutenant Anthony Marchand, pilote de Casa à l’escadron de transport 1/62 «Vercors» de Creil, a participé à cette dernière répétition du 14 Juillet, au-dessus de Paris. Impressions.

Après un briefing des trois équipages Casa, mené par le leader de la patrouille, le commandant Cédric Abriat, Anthony a rejoint son avion. Concentré, il finalise sa préparation en cabine. Fermeture de la porte, une dernière check-list, et les moteurs sont mis en marche.

14h45 locales, les trois Casa décollent à tour de rôle de la base aérienne 110 de Creil. Une vingtaine de minutes après, les trois transporteurs intègrent le circuit H. « Paradoxalement, nous étions plus nombreux dans notre couloir d’attente par rapport à la répétition à Châteaudun,  les trois Transall, l’Atlantique 2 de la marine nationale et l’Hercules danois étant présents », confie Anthony. À bord de l’avion du Deputy (remplaçant) l’attente d’autorisation de passage se fait ressentir alors que les équipages patientent à des altitudes différentes. En réalisant des hippodromes dans leur circuit d’attente, le lieutenant Marchand semble impatient de concrétiser ce vol en patrouille, une manœuvre singulière pour leur avion de transport. 

« Étoile » annonce alors le « top ». Instantanément, le commandant Abriat calcule l’heure à laquelle la patrouille Casa doit survoler les Champs-Élysées. « De notre côté, le commandant Arnaud Kauffmann, (second du Vercors et pour l’occasion co-pilote expérimenté) réalise les même calculs en concertation avec le leader, sur une fréquence interpatrouille, raconte le jeune pilote de Casa. En tant que Deputy, nous devons être capables d’assurer le rôle du Casa n°1 en cas de problème technique de cet avion».

7’20’’ après le passage d’Athos, le leader de la Patrouille de France, à la verticale des tribunes présidentielles, c’est au tour des trois Casa de s’élancer. Progressivement, les aéronefs se rapprochent des tours de la Défense. Légèrement sur la droite, la Tour Eiffel semble à portée de main.   Les trois Casa survolent alors, à seulement quelques mètres, l’Arc de Triomphe assailli par les touristes venus admirer le ballet aérien. « Au-dessus de Paris, nous profitons de l’espace qui nous est réservé exceptionnellement », avoue Anthony. Un moment où la concentration est optimale pour seulement quelques secondes de précision.

Les tribunes présidentielles à peine passées, les trois Casa repartent vers Creil. L’occasion pour eux de réaliser une manœuvre en cas de mauvaises conditions météorologiques. «Nous avons été pris en compte par les contrôleurs aériens de Roissy-Charles de Gaulle, explique le lieutenant Marchand. La formation est remontée à 3 000 pieds et s’est dispatchée pour un retour individuel jusqu’à notre base». À l’escadron, les pilotes s’assurent de la bonne réalisation de leur passage. Un avis conforté par le directeur du défilé aérien, le lendemain.

Serein, le lieutenant Marchand se prépare d’ores et déjà pour améliorer encore ce résultat le jour du 14 Juillet. «Nous pouvons toujours mieux faire, il faudra prolonger notre alignement même après le passage des tribunes». Une seule crainte cependant pour le pilote, l’impondérable problème technique.

July 11, 2013: Strategy Page

For the last five months American MQ-9 UAVs could be seen regularly over northern Mali. Some days there is one up there all day, most of the time it’s only for about half the day. The video is analyzed by U.S. and French intelligence and used by the French to coordinate operations against the remaining Islamic terrorists in northern Mali. The American UAVs have been operating from an airbase in neighboring Niger, where two MQ-9s are currently stationed.

France believes that a third of the 2,000 Islamic terrorists in northern Mali at the beginning of the year have been killed and most of the survivors (less the hundred or so who surrendered or were captured) have fled Mali. That leaves several hundred, most of them Tuareg or black African, still in Mali, Most are hiding but some are in the larger towns and cities carrying out attacks. Many (up to half) of the terrorists who fled went to neighboring Niger, where a weak government and a very poor population (whose cooperation can be bought) has provided opportunities for new terrorist bases to be established. As with Mali, most of the 16 million Niger population lives in the south, where there is more water. The north is mostly desert. A fifth of the population are Arab, Tuareg and similar minorities. Over 90 percent of the population is Moslem and about eight percent are slaves. The U.S., France (and other European nations) are helping the Niger government to deal with the Islamic terrorists. That will not produce a quick fix and it may take a year (and probably much longer) to clear the Islamic terrorists out of Niger.

Mali’s fundamental problem (and the source of the discontent that triggered the Tuareg uprising in the north and the army coup in the south last year) is widespread corruption and the chilling effect this has on the economy. Despite billions of dollars’ worth of mineral exports, the country is very poor. The money the government gets from the mineral exports is largely stolen by politicians. Economic growth is stifled by the corruption, which makes it very difficult for entrepreneurs to start new businesses or expand existing ones. The result is that a third of the population is hungry and gets by with the help of foreign aid. In the north over two thirds of the population is short of food, and much else. Most of the people in the north are Tuareg and they blame corrupt southern (black African) officials for the poverty and high unemployment in the north. That is only partially true because the north has always been very poor and the Tuareg leaders also tend to be corrupt when it comes to handling government matters.  The July 28 presidential election is expected to put another corrupt politician into office. The search for a cure for the corruption has so far been unsuccessful. There are also doubts that the government can even properly organize the July 28th election.

The fragile economy in Timbuktu was devastated by the nine months of Islamic radical rule. Most of the Mali government employees were driven out and their workplaces looted and trashed. Worse, the tourism activity, which was the basis of the local economy, was largely destroyed. This included the destruction of many tourist attractions and the disappearance of many Arab and other foreign businessmen who made the tourism business work. Replacing key people and restoring infrastructure will take years. In the meantime most of the 55,000 population will have to get by on foreign aid.

July 9, 2013: In the north (Kidal) two civilians were wounded by unidentified gunmen.

July 8, 2013: In Kidal anti-government demonstrations over the weekend left two peacekeepers and a French soldier wounded. The demonstrations throw lots of rockets at the troops.

July 6, 2013: The government ended the six month old state of emergency. This means it is now legal for crowds to assemble and demonstrations to take place. The security forces must now follow all legal procedures when making arrests and holding people in custody.

July 5, 2013: After arriving on the outskirts a month ago 200 Malian army soldiers finally moved into the northeastern town of Kidal. Tuareg MNLA fighters moved out, or at least aside, in accordance with the June 18 peace deal with Mali. The MNLA had controlled Kidal since March 2012 as they tried to establish a role in governing the largely Tuareg north. MNLA were forced out of Kidal by Islamic terrorists for nine months and regained control in January 2013. French and Chadian troops have been in Kidal for over six months and have been joined by some other African peacekeepers to replace the Chad force (which returned home). The MNLA controlled security in the city and this produced growing complaints that MNLA gunmen were attacking blacks in the north and trying to force them to leave. The government accused the MNLA of ethnic cleansing, as northern Mali is predominately Tuareg and Arab. Because over 90 percent of Malians are black Africans, Tuaregs have always been touchy about blacks moving north to settle or, worse, to run the government. Partly this was because some Tuaregs and Arabs in the north still kept black slaves. Now a lot of those slaves find themselves free after their masters fled, along with several thousand Tuareg, during the French liberation of the north. Groups like al Qaeda are OK with this slavery, as it is commonly discussed in Moslem scripture and the Koran. The slaves, despite being Moslem, generally do not agree with this attitude.

MNLA means (in French) “Liberation Army of Azawad”. That is the Tuareg term for their homeland in northern Mali and until the June 18 agreement its capital was Kidal. The Mali government was upset that MNLA men controlled most of the rural (and very thinly populated) areas in the north. Mali accuses France of letting this happen, but the French only had an informal deal with MNLA in which the Tuareg would not fire on the incoming troops and would provide information on where the Islamic terrorists were.  France pressured Mali to make some kind of political settlement with MNLA and that eventually led to the June 18 deal. Many in the Mali Army still want the Tuareg rebel group crushed.  The Mali government is also angry over the extent to which so many Arabs and Tuaregs in the north cooperated with the Islamic radicals in establishing a new government. Many Tuareg still want independence, or at least a lot of autonomy in the north. Anti-Mali demonstrations accompanied the entrance of Mali troops into Kidal and will continue. Whatever the Mali government may want, the situation in the north, and with the Tuareg, is fundamentally changed. The Tuareg have tasted power and seen how weak the southerners really are.

The only large town the MNLA controlled was Kidal. It was thought unlikely that the Mali soldiers and police could handle the MNLA gunmen alone, so the concentration of security forces near Kidal last month was initially seen more as a bargaining tactic than as a real threat to the MNLA. Negotiations with the MNLA did not go well at first because the rebels were insisted on an autonomy agreement first and the French and African peacekeepers were unwilling to shut down the MNLA for the Mali government. The Mali Army is seen as more of a threat to an elected Mali government than to the Tuareg rebels. The Mali troops had spent over a month moving up several hundred kilometers of road to Kidal and planning an assault that never came. The MNLA seemed to sense that they had been outmaneuvered and retreated from some checkpoints outside Kidal but maintained enough fighters in the city to keep the Mali soldiers from entering until the MNLA and the Mali government could work out a deal.

July 1, 2013: The UN peacekeeping force took control of peacekeeping operations in Mali. The UN force currently has 6,300 African peacekeepers although the ultimate size of the force will be over 12,000. There are still 3,200 French troops in Mali along with several thousand Mali soldiers.  The UN force is officially known as MINUSMA (Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali).

June 26, 2013: Captain Amadou Haya Sanogo, who led the army coup in March 2012, apologized for his actions and promised to help repair the damage.

June 24, 2013: Some 200 peacekeepers from Benin arrived in Kidal to help maintain order.

June 18, 2013: The government and the Tuareg rebels (the MNLA) signed a peace deal. The MNLA will allow Mali troops and police to enter Kidal and any other MNLA occupied area in the north and will surrender its heavy weapons. In reality the MNLA members will keep most of their weapons but will have to surrender stuff like mortars, heavy machine-guns and large stocks of ammo. The government will not try to punish any MNLA members and will negotiate more autonomy for the Tuareg north. Many Tuareg believe the MNLA gave up too much and do not trust the Mali government.

June 16, 2013: Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) admitted that it had lost two of its senior leaders (Abdelhamid Abou Zeid and Abdallah Al Chinguetti) to French forces earlier this year (February and March). AQIM kept insisting that these two leaders were still alive.

June 9, 2013: French forces captured a terrorist base in the north (in a town on the Niger River near Gao). This one contained five tons of explosives and a workshop for producing suicide bomb vests and roadside bombs.

Jul 11, 2013 ASDNews Source : Defense Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA)

The Defense Security Cooperation Agency notified Congress on July 1, 2013 of a possible Foreign Military Sale to Australia of up to 100 MK 54 All-Up-Round Torpedoes and associated equipment, parts, training and logistical support for an estimated cost of $83 million.

The Government of Australia has requested a possible sale of 100 MK 54 All-Up-Round Torpedoes, 13 MK 54 Exercise Sections, 13 MK 54 Exercise Fuel Tanks, 5 Recoverable Exercise Torpedoes, support and test equipment for Maintenance Facility upgrade to MK 695 Mod 1 capability, spare and repair parts, technical data and publications, personnel training and training equipment, U.S. government and contractor engineering, technical and logistics support services, and other related elements of logistics support.

Australia is an important ally in the Western Pacific that contributes significantly to ensuring peace and stability in the region. Australia’s efforts in peacekeeping and humanitarian operations have made a significant impact on regional, political and economic stability and have served U.S. national security interests.

Australia will use the MK 54 torpedo on its MH-60R helicopters and intends to use the torpedo on a planned purchase of the P-8A Increment 2 Maritime Patrol and Response aircraft. Australia, which currently has MK 54 torpedoes in its inventory, will have no difficulty absorbing these additional torpedoes into its armed forces.

The proposed sale of this equipment and support will not alter the basic military balance in the region.

The principal contractor will be Raytheon Integrated Defense Systems in Keyport, Washington. There are no known offset agreements proposed in connection with this potential sale.

Implementation of this proposed sale will not require the assignment of U.S. Government or contractor representatives to Australia.

There will be no adverse impact on U.S. defense readiness as a result of this proposed sale.

This notice of a potential sale is required by law and does not mean the sale has been concluded.

Jul 9, 2013 ASDNews Source : U.S. Army

The U.S. Army has transferred to France technical test data on a rocket-propelled grenade defense system that is vital to its military operations in Mali, officials announced.

The U.S. Army Research, Development and Engineering Command, known as RDECOM, through its International Technology Center-France, helped to facilitate the exchange between the allies, said Lt. Col. Robert Willis, who led the project for RDECOM.

"The French Army wants the best thing out there," said Willis, commander of ITC-France under RDECOM Forward Element Command-Atlantic. "They are a professional and highly capable Army, and they want to protect their troops. They are determined to rapidly acquire the best technology, based purely on technical performance of the system."

The French Army had purchased an early version of a rocket-propelled grenade, or RPG, defense system, Q-Nets, from QinetiQ North America, known as QNA, a U.S. company. Fighting in Mali spurred the need for increased capabilities to protect French soldiers.

When the company developed an improved version, Q-Nets II, the French Ministry of Defense wanted to review the test data from the U.S. Army Test and Evaluation Command before making a procurement decision. However, QNA could not release the data to France because the exchange must be made under an international agreement from one government entity to another government, Willis said.

Willis and his colleagues at the U.S. European Command's Office of Defense Cooperation in Paris stepped in to expedite the data transfer under an established agreement, "Survivability Technologies for Land Combat Systems." RDECOM's Tank Automotive Research, Development and Engineering Center, known as TARDEC, at Detroit Arsenal, Mich., provides technical oversight for the agreement.

TARDEC's technical project officer for the agreement then verified that the detailed test data could be transferred from the U.S. Army to the French MoD.

Without the international agreement in place, this transfer of data would not have been authorized, Willis said.

Willis is accredited as an attaché of defense cooperation for these types of exchanges, and he presented the data to the French MoD, June 10. He used his fluency in French and background in Army test and evaluation to explain the technical and statistical nuances of the report.

In addition to assisting a NATO ally in an area of operations where the United States has national interests but not a desire to intervene with ground troops, the U.S. Department of Commerce had officially granted advocacy to QNA in an otherwise European-only competition, Willis said.

Col. Collier Slade, chief of the ODC in Paris, said the advocacy process allows the U.S. government to promote an American vendor in its efforts in a foreign country. In this case, QNA was the only U.S. company in competition to provide an RPG defense system to the French Army.

"The effectiveness of our advocacy policy in this case was ensured by the unique skill sets and reach-back that the RDECOM international team provided," Slade said.

RDECOM maintains a robust international footprint to promote cooperation between the United States and foreign partners to advance science, engineering and technical capabilities in areas important to the U.S. Army, Willis said.

RFEC-Atlantic in the United Kingdom has ITCs in France and Germany, RFEC-Pacific in Japan has ITCs in Australia and Singapore, and RFEC-Americas in Chile has ITCs in Canada and Argentina.

"Our NATO partners, including France and others in Europe, are long-standing allies," Willis said. "They possess the state-of-the-art in many technologies that we do not."

Maintaining these international relationships allows RDECOM to accelerate requests such as the transfer of RPG test data to France, Willis said. He is responsible for 16 European countries and concentrates primarily on France, Italy and Spain.

"We maintain cognizance of the expertise areas in our countries," Willis said. "We maintain contacts with the critical government, industry and academia that develop these technologies that we can share."

"We transfer technologies in both directions," he continued. "In this case, it was U.S. to France in support of an urgent operational requirement. In many other cases, it is shared foreign know-how that alleviates the need for large technology investments and development on our own."

RDECOM is a major subordinate command of the U.S. Army Materiel Command. AMC is the Army's premier provider of materiel readiness -- technology, acquisition support, materiel development, logistics power projection, and sustainment -- to the total force, across the spectrum of joint military operations. If a Soldier shoots it, drives it, flies it, wears it, eats it or communicates with it, AMC delivers it.

11 juillet 2013 Liberation.fr (AFP)

Soucieux de se mettre à l'abri de l'espionnage électronique, le FSO, un des services de renseignement russe, a passé commande de vingt machines à écrire.

Après les révélations de l’informaticien américain Edward Snowden, l’un des services spéciaux russes a décidé d’acheter des machines à écrire pour taper des documents secrets, écrit jeudi le quotidien russe Izvestia. Le FSO, Service fédéral de protection, issu de l’ancien KGB, a lancé un appel d’offre pour l’achat de 20 machines à écrire.

Cette décision a été prise «après les scandales de WikiLeaks, les révélations de Snowden ainsi que les informations selon lesquelles le Premier ministre Dmitri Medvedev avait été écouté lors d’un sommet du G20 à Londres», explique au journal une source au sein du service.

«Il a été décidé d’utiliser davantage de documents papier», selon la même source. Interrogé par l’AFP, le service de presse du FSO s’est refusé à tout commentaire. Selon d’autres sources citées par le journal, les services spéciaux ainsi que le ministère de la Défense utilisent toujours des machines à écrire.

«De point de vue de la sécurité, toute sorte de télécommunication électronique est vulnérable. On peut capter n’importe quelle information depuis un ordinateur», selon le député et ex-directeur du FSB (ex-KGB) Nikolaï Kovalev. «Le moyen le plus primitif est à privilégier: la main humaine ou la machine à écrire», a-t-il ajouté, interrogé par Izvestia.

L’ex-consultant du renseignement américain Edward Snowden, bloqué dans la zone de transit d’un aéroport moscovite depuis près de trois semaines, a fait des révélations fracassantes sur un programme américain de surveillance des communications mondiales.

11/07/2013 DPSD

Territoire morcelé et situé aux antipodes de la métropole, la Nouvelle-Calédonie représente de nombreux enjeux pour la France, seule nation européenne dans la région…

Eloignée de 18 000 km de la métropole, la Nouvelle-Calédonie est un territoire morcelé entre la Grande terre, les îles Loyauté (1), les îles Belep et l’île des Pins. La zone de responsabilité du poste PSD inclut également l’archipel de Wallis et Futuna. Dans cet espace, la souveraineté française s’étend jusqu’aux îlots Matthew et Hunter à environ 300 km de l’archipel. Ces îlots inhabités, d’une superficie inférieure à 1 km2, sont régulièrement revendiqués par le Vanuatu (2), source potentielle de discorde diplomatique.

La France est la seule nation européenne présente dans l’océan Pacifique sud face aux puissances régionales que sont l’Australie et la Nouvelle–Zélande. De plus, les nombreux petits États océaniens environnants sont instables politiquement et parfois peu sensibles au principe de bonne gouvernance.

Les États-Unis sont présents dans cette zone (3)  et des escales ont régulièrement lieu dans le cadre du Pacific partnership. La Chine, consciente des richesses potentielles en nickel (4) du « caillou », s’est rapprochée de la province Nord avec laquelle des accords économiques sont en cours de finalisation.

Dans les années 80, la Nouvelle-Calédonie a connu une succession de crises violentes et d'événements dramatiques qui ont ébranlé son fragile équilibre. Bien que les grandes puissances australienne et néo-zélandaise lui reconnaissent aujourd’hui une certaine stabilité politique, elles continuent d’observer attentivement l’évolution du processus politique engagé. Celui-ci pourrait déboucher, à partir de 2014, sur un référendum sur l’avenir du territoire avec une possible accession à la pleine souveraineté.

Dans ce cadre, le poste de Nouméa assure une veille permanente des éventuelles actions subversives externes. Le 14 juillet 2012 avait d’ailleurs été l’occasion pour certains de mettre en place une marche citoyenne en opposition au défilé républicain traditionnel.

Dans le même esprit, des collectifs se constituent pour affirmer leur position. Par ailleurs, les sociétés locales disposent de capacités importantes de blocage pouvant impacter les FANC (5) notamment au niveau du soutien, étant donné l’éloignement géographique.

Dans ce contexte particulier, le poste apporte au général COMSUP son analyse sur les vulnérabilités pour lui permettre de prendre les mesures adéquates. En effet, les subversions externes peuvent rapidement impacter les capacités opérationnelles des forces et le moral des 3000 personnes qui composent la communauté de défense.

(1) Ouvéa, Lifou, Maré

(2) Ce dossier a trouvé un nouvel écho en 2010.

(3) 7ème flotte

(4) Aussi appelé « or vert »

(5) Forces armées de la Nouvelle-Calédonie

11/07/2013 DPSD

Les enjeux sont nombreux et l’activité est intense pour le personnel de la DPSD en poste aux Emirats Arabes Unis …

Les FFEAU (1) sont implantées à Abou Dhabi depuis mai 2009. Le poste PSD EAU est en place pour apporter son concours au commandement en matière de sécurité. Il a compétence sur l'ensemble des entités françaises des FFEAU, mais aussi sur les ressortissants et le personnel œuvrant au profit du ministère de la défense français sur tout le territoire des EAU. Le poste doit donc prendre en compte les unités des FFEAU, à travers leurs missions et leur entraînement (2), mais également les activités majeures à caractère « défense » comme les salons d’armement (3).

Le volet « protection du personnel et des installations » revêt quelques spécificités. Les différentes unités militaires (4)sont, pour certaines, distantes d’une soixantaine de kilomètres ; certaines emprises sont entièrement dédiées aux unités françaises alors que d’autres sont implantées à l’intérieur d’emprises émiriennes plus vastes. De plus, la communauté de défense des FFEAU est composée de 75% de militaires en mission de courte durée. Ce rapport s’accroît en période d’exercice ou à l’occasion des escales. Pour autant, tous ces militaires sont sensibilisés par un inspecteur dès leur arrivée.

L’importante population étrangère est probablement la caractéristique majeure de ce pays qui couvre une superficie équivalente à celle de la Guyane : il y a plus de quatre étrangers pour un Emirien. De nombreuses nationalités sont représentées tels que les Afghans, les Iraniens, les Syriens, les Libanais, les Pakistanais, les Chinois, ou les Russes.

Enfin, l’aspect « relations internationales »  revêt une dimension particulière du fait de l’importance de la zone de responsabilité du commandement des FFEAU et des spécificités régionales: il est à la fois nécessaire de maitriser l’anglais et l’arabe, mais aussi de connaître et de comprendre l’ensemble des enjeux sécuritaires.

(1) Forces Françaises aux EAU

(2) Exercices Golfe aux EAU et Gulf Falcon au Qatar ; escales à Abou Dhabi, Fujaïrah, Dubaï ou

Jebel Ali…

(3) Dubai Air Show; IDEX-NAVDEX…

(4) Echelon de commandement, état-major interarmées, base navale d’Abou Dhabi et groupement de soutien, base aérienne 104 d’Al-Dhafra, 13ème Demi Brigade de la Légion Etrangère (DBLE)

Jul 11, 2013 ASDNews Source : BAE Systems PLC

    Helping Navy pilots land safely, every time.

U.S. Navy pilots count on air traffic control and landing systems to be fully operational so they can land safely every time. BAE Systems helps to make that happen. The company has received a $78 million contract to continue providing the Navy with the technical and engineering services needed to guide landings on aircraft carriers, large-deck amphibious assault ships and shore-based facilities.

“Ensuring that the landing systems function properly is paramount to the Navy’s mission and the safety of all pilots,” said Mark Keeler, vice president & general manager of Land & Electronic Systems at BAE Systems. “Our team understands the critical nature of this work, and we have a proven track record of getting the job done.”

For 20 years, BAE Systems has provided the Navy with system installations, certifications, technical assistance, training, mission-critical computer resources, and the repair and restoration of the landing systems.

This new contract is expected to be completed by 2018. The work will be performed at St. Inigoes and Great Mills, Maryland, in addition to other Navy sites, including San Diego, California and Norfolk, Virginia.

10 juillet 2013 Ouest-France

Une dizaine de chalutiers sont affrétés depuis lundi par la Marine nationale. Ils participent à une pêche sous haute surveillance : la récupération de débris de missile M51.

Ce [missile] de 50 t s’était autodétruit peu après un tir d’essai le 5 mai dernier au large de Penmarc’h. Déployés depuis des semaines, les moyens militaires ont déjà permis de remonter plusieurs éléments. Mais la Marine et les pêcheurs tiennent à sécuriser la zone. L’opération sera prolongée la semaine prochaine.

Le Vigilant pas en cause

10 juil. 2013 AIRetCOSMOS