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16 septembre 2015 3 16 /09 /septembre /2015 11:50
Defence companies face fresh scrutiny over contract charges and profits

National security means Britain's nuclear submarines have only one contractor and one buyer Photo: BAE Systems

 

13 Sep 2015 By Alan Tovey, Industry Editor

 

New defence contracts watchdog to bring 'fundamental' revamp to profits made by industry and costs passed on to Ministry of Defence

 

A new watchdog is poised to crack down on defence procurement and stop the practice of “padding” government supply contracts.

The Single Source Regulations Office set up last year, is launching a fundamental review of rules on how much profit companies can make, in the first shake-up of defence procurement in almost 50 years.

Padding is when a supplier bills for items such as entertainment and marketing costs.

The SSRO sits between industry and MoD and examines the £8bn-plus spent a year on contracts where there is only one supplier and one buyer because of issues such as national security or troops on operations urgently needing equipment.

It has the power to examine all new contracts valued at £5m or more and claw back charges it rules unjustified.

“Historically it would have been acceptable for contractors to charge entertaining and marketing costs,” said Jeremy Newman, SSRO chairman. “Our view is if there is only one buyer and one seller there isn’t any entertaining and marketing needed, so we said, ‘Sorry folks, you can’t charge that’.”

Other areas where costs have been eliminated is “reworking”.

“If work has to be done again because of a change of specification as technology advances, that’s allowable,” he added. “For example, the technology on a submarine is out of date before you’ve put the wiring in. But charging for reworking because of faulty workmanship is not acceptable – why should the taxpayers pay for a company’s screw-up?”

 

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16 septembre 2015 3 16 /09 /septembre /2015 11:50
SME Showcase at DSEI 2015

 

16 September 2015, Centre for Defence Enterprise, Defence Science and Technology Laboratory and Ministry of Defence

 

The Centre for Defence Enterprise (CDE) will showcase some of the best research ideas it's funded, delivered by small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs).

 

At DSEI 2015, 10 SMEs who have been successful through CDE funding competitions will present their work in 5-minute pitches. Time for networking will follow.

This session will take place on Thursday 17 September 2015, 12pm to 2pm in the West Theatre, Unmanned Zone. Find out more.

It will include an introduction to CDE opportunities, before hearing first hand from the 10 SMEs about their companies and their innovations.

The session will be very useful for those with an interest in innovative defence research and to meet up-and-coming SMEs who have been funded as part of the CDE supply chain.

The companies exhibiting for CDE are listed below. The innovation summaries link to a case study from each organisation.

 

Company

Innovation summary

Autonomous Devices

Improvised robotic devices

Folium Optics

Adaptive camouflage technology

IQHQ

High-resilience radio communication receivers

Kaon

Use of plasmonic meta materials in lenses

Metrarc

Deriving secure encryption keys from the properties of digital systems

Mobbu

Secure mobile communications software

The Technology Partnership (TTP)

Sensing solution for SONAR applications

Thinking Safe

Insider threat detection

Trauma Simulation

Realistic trauma simulation

Voicekey

On-device, voice biometric mobile identity management solution

Presentations from the companies will be also be published after the event via the links above.

 

About CDE

CDE funds novel, high-risk, high-potential-benefit research. We work with the broadest possible range of science and technology providers, including academia and small companies, to develop cost-effective capabilities for UK armed forces and national security.

CDE is part of Dstl.

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16 septembre 2015 3 16 /09 /septembre /2015 11:35
Thales announces order for ForceSHIELD Integrated Air Defence system and STARStreak missiles for Malaysian Armed Forces

 

September 15, 2015 thalesgroup.com

 

Thales announced today at DSEI that it has signed a contract with Global Komited, a company within The Weststar Group, to supply the Malaysian Armed Forces with ForceSHIELD, the Thales integrated Advanced Air Defence system.

 

In addition to the STARStreak missiles, the system comprises CONTROLMaster 200 radar and weapon coordination systems, RAPIDRanger and RAPIDRover mobile weapon systems and the Next Generation Lightweight Multiple Launcher, as well as associated communications.

 

The STARStreak missiles and launcher systems are manufactured in Thales’s facility in Belfast and the CONTROLMaster by Thales in France. This significant purchase by the Malaysian Armed Forces will increase jobs in Belfast and develop high value added jobs and skills set in Malaysia through a programme of technology transfer.

 

The purchase of ForceSHIELD will enable the Malaysian Armed Forces to replace and enhance the previously commissioned Thales STARBurst missile system, which has been in service since the mid 1990’s.

 

The STARStreak missile utilises the proven principle of ‘high velocity’ to defeat threats with short unmasking times.  The three-dart configuration maximises lethality and the highly accurate laser beam riding guidance enables engagement of small signature targets.

 

Victor Chavez, CEO of Thales UK, says: “I am delighted that another country has decided to buy ForceSHIELD.  This latest-generation sensors to effectors solution will give Malaysia a world class, cutting edge capability.  Increasing our export sales is a key part of Thales’ growth strategy and today’s news marks another milestone.”

 

    "I am delighted that Westar and Thales have agreed to work together to supply the STARStreak missile system to the Malaysian Armed Forces. This is an excellent example of companies sharing technology to support the ongoing modernisation of the country’s Armed Forces. I very much value our Defence relationship with Malaysia and look forward to working with their government and Armed Forces as part of our enduring Defence cooperation."

    Philip Dunne, Minister of State for Defence Procurement

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16 septembre 2015 3 16 /09 /septembre /2015 11:35
 PLA upgrades ELINT capability with Y-9JB reconnaissance plane

 

14.09.2015 Pacific Sentinel
 

The People's Liberation Army's new electronic intelligence (ELINT) gathering aircraft, the Y-9JB, is a major upgrade on its predecessors and reflects the emphasis China is placing on electronic reconnaissance capabilities, says the Beijing-based Sina Military Network.

 

The Y-9JB, also known as the GX-8 — which literally means the "High New 8" — is the ELINT variant of the Shaanxi Y-9 mid-sized transport aircraft. It is said to possess significant advancements over China's first-generation electronic reconnaissance planes, the Y-8DZ or GX-2 and the Y-8G or GX-3.

 

According to the report, China has been developing electronic warfare aircraft for decades with the aim of improving the PLA's ability to gather and analyze operational and tactical electronic intelligence, and therefore its strategic decision-making.

 

Read the full story at Want China Times

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16 septembre 2015 3 16 /09 /septembre /2015 11:35
Mer de Chine méridionale: le Japon promet d’autres navires au Vietnam

 

15 septembre 2015 45eNord.cz (AFP)

 

Le Japon s’est engagé mardi à livrer des navires supplémentaires au Vietnam pour renforcer ses forces en mer de Chine méridionale où, ont averti les deux pays dans une allusion voilée à Pékin, la construction d’îles artificielles menace la stabilité.

 

Le Premier ministre japonais Shinzo Abe a également annoncé des prêts d’infrastructures de quelque 100 milliards de yen (740 millions d’euros) après s’être entretenu avec le secrétaire général du parti communiste au pouvoir au Vietnam, Nguyen Phu Trong, qui se rendait pour la première fois dans l’archipel.

 

Le Vietnam et le Japon renforcent leur coopération dans les eaux de l’Est asiatique où ils sont aux prises avec des disputes territoriales avec la Chine.

 

Dans un communiqué commun diffusé après leur réunion, les deux hommes politiques ont exprimé leur vive inquiétude face aux récents événements qui se poursuivent en mer de Chine méridionale.

 

Ces avancées de grande ampleur sur la mer et la construction d’avant-postes ont érodé la confiance et menacé la paix et la stabilité dans la région et dans le monde, ont-ils poursuivi.

 

Le Japon a décidé de donner au Vietnam des navires d’occasion supplémentaires, à sa demande, a déclaré le Premier ministre japonais au cours d’une conférence de presse, sans en préciser le nombre. Cette décision bénéficiera au Vietnam pour améliorer ses capacités de défense du droit maritime, a-t-il ajouté.

 

Le ministère japonais des Affaires étrangères avait indiqué l’an dernier que le Japon donnerait au Vietnam six bateaux usagés pour patrouiller la mer de Chine méridionale.

 

Les tensions et revendications concurrentes entre la Chine et ses voisins d’Asie du sud-est en mer de Chine méridionale avaient dominé les dernières réunions de l’Asean et des grandes puissances début août à Kuala Lumpur, où le secrétaire d’Etat américain John Kerry avait dénoncé la militarisation entreprise par Pékin. Les ministres des pays d’Asie du sud-est s’étaient alarmés des menaces sur la paix dans cette région.

 

D’après un rapport du Pentagone, ce sont près de 1.200 hectares de terrains artificiels qui ont été gagnés sur les eaux par la Chine grâce à de gigantesques travaux de remblaiement et de construction d’îles artificielles depuis une vingtaine de mois.

 

En juillet, le Japon avait promis à cinq pays riverains du Mékong – le Cambodge, le Laos, la Birmanie, la Thaïlande et le Vietnam – une aide de 6,1 milliards de dollars pour cette région où Tokyo cherche à étendre son influence face à la montée en puissance de la Chine.

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16 septembre 2015 3 16 /09 /septembre /2015 11:35
Un modèle de forteresse navale en chantier - CESM

Un modèle de forteresse navale en chantier - CESM

 

13 septembre 2015 Par Olivier Fourt - RFI

 

On les appelle les « forteresses navales ». La Chine en train d'équiper militairement plusieurs îles (dont certaines ont été annexées) pour construire un réseau de bases en haute mer, destiné à élargir son influence économique et militaire dans la région.

 

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16 septembre 2015 3 16 /09 /septembre /2015 11:35
Z-19 at Third China Helicopter Expo

Z-19 at Third China Helicopter Expo

 

15.09.2015 Pacific Sentinel

 

China has begun to develop a fourth-generation attack helicopter which will have stealth capabilities and expects to deliver it to the People's Liberation Army by around 2020, according to a report by the English-language China Daily.

 

Aviation Industry Corp of China, an aircraft manufacturer and supplier to the PLA, has been given the responsibility of researching and developing the helicopter, Cankaoxiaoxi.com website reported Sunday, citing Deutsche Welle, Germany's international broadcaster.

 

The company disclosed the information in a media brochure distributed to domestic journalists taking part in the Third China Helicopter Expo, which opened on Wednesday in Tianjin, according to the China Daily report published Friday.

 

The company gave no further details but according to the report, it was the first time that China has confirmed it is developing a new-generation combat helicopter.

 

Read the full story at Want China Times

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16 septembre 2015 3 16 /09 /septembre /2015 11:35
Haijing 2901 - China's heavily armed patrol boat may provoke escalation


15.09.2015 Pacific Sentinel
 

China is deploying its largest maritime patrol vessel, the Haijing 2901 to the eastern island of Zhoushan for a potential war of attrition with Japan over the disputed East China Sea, according to the Tokyo-based Sankei Shimbun on Sept. 13.

 

It has been Japan's policy to deploy its coast guard vessels instead of warships to prevent its territorial conflict with China over the Diaoyutai islands (Diaoyu to China, Senkaku to Japan, which controls them), from escalating into a full-scale war. The deployment of the Haijing 2901, which is also the world's largest maritime patrol vessel with a greater displacement than the Arleigh Burke-class destroyers of the United States, will eventually challenge this policy since Japan's coast guard has no vessel that can counter it.

 

Read the full story at Want China Times

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16 septembre 2015 3 16 /09 /septembre /2015 11:30
ST Marine delivers second Al-Ofouq-class patrol vessel to Oman Navy

The second Al-Ofouq class of PVs, RNOV Shinas, measures 75m in length and displaces approximately 1,250t. Photo ST Marine

 

14 September 2015 naval-technology.com

 

Singapore Technologies Marine (ST Marine) has delivered the second of the four Al-Ofouq-class patrol vessels, RNOV Shinas, to the Royal Navy of Oman (RNO).

 

The new vessels are aimed to replace the RNO's current four Seeb-class patrol vessels commissioned in the early 1980s.

 

ST Marine president NG Sing Chan said: "ST Marine and the Royal Navy of Oman are again proud that we have achieved this 'Double Milestones, Double Happiness' together.

 

Based on ST Marine's Fearless-class patrol vessels, which are used by the Republic of Singapore Navy, each 246ft-long Al-Ofouq-class vessel will provide a maximum cruise speed of more than 23mph, while offering a 1,000m range at 17mph.

 

In addition, the vessels will be armed with a modern weapon and combat management system and will be suitable for maritime and homeland security missions such as undertaking extended surveillance patrols of the Sultanate Exclusive Economic Zone.

 

The new vessels will also feature Tacticos combat management system (CMS), the Variant surveillance radar and STIR 1.2 EO Mk2 radar E/O tracking system, as well as the ESM system.

 

In addition, ST Marine also christened the third patrol vessel, RNOV Sadh.

"Today is a day for us to celebrate and also a moment for us to reflect and thank our partners and colleagues."

 

The Ministry of Defence of the Sultanate of Oman awarded a $699.4m contract to ST Marine for the construction of these patrol vessels in 2012.

 

Currently, Austal Australia is constructing two 72m-long high-speed support vessels (HSSVs) for the Oman Navy.

 

The HSSV 72 vessel is intended for the transportation of military personnel and cargo, and can support helicopter operations. It can also be deployed in search and rescue, and humanitarian relief operations.

 

Delivery of the vessels is expected to take place in 2016.

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16 septembre 2015 3 16 /09 /septembre /2015 11:20
Les grands enjeux des débats sur le budget de défense américain 2016 - DGRIS


14/09/2015 DGRIS

 

La puissance militaire des États-Unis, premier budget de défense au monde, et leur capacité d’action globale les placent, de fait,  au premier rang de nos partenaires stratégiques. Quel que soit le cadre (bilatéral, multilatéral OTAN ou au sein de coalitions ad hoc), la France et les États-Unis agissent ensemble sur les principaux théâtres d’opération (Sahel et Moyen-Orient notamment). Cette coopération tend à se renforcer dans de nombreux autres domaines, dans lesquels la France constitue aujourd’hui l’un des partenaires les plus capables, susceptibles de "partager le fardeau".

Au regard de l’influence des choix stratégiques américains, la connaissance du fonctionnement de l’administration et de ses relations parfois complexes avec les autres acteurs institutionnels, notamment le Congrès, est essentielle. Dans ce contexte, l’Observatoire sur la politique de défense des États-Unis a pour objectif d’améliorer la connaissance des acteurs, structures et processus décisionnels américains. Il doit ainsi contribuer à l’analyse de l’évolution de la politique américaine de défense et ses implications éventuelles sur la politique et la stratégie françaises de défense et de sécurité.

 

Les grands enjeux des débats sur le budget de défense 2016 - Rapport n°2, août 2015

 

La posture de défense des États-Unis en 2015 - Rapport n°1, juin 2015

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16 septembre 2015 3 16 /09 /septembre /2015 11:20
photo USAF

photo USAF

 

15.09.2015 sputniknews.com

 

Les Etats-Unis sont en train de développer un nouvel avion de reconnaissance afin de remplacer l'U-2 en service depuis plus de 50 ans.

 

La division Skunk Works du groupe américain Lockheed Martin a présenté le projet d'un avion de reconnaissance capable de remplacer aussi bien l'U-2 Dragon Lady que le drone Global Hawk, rapportent les médias occidentaux.

 

Le nouvel avion doit être développé d'ici 2025. D'après le magazine Ainonline, les Etats-Unis pourraient avoir besoin de ce type d'appareil au cours des trois prochaines années.

 

Le Lockheed U-2 est un avion-espion en service dans l'US Air Force depuis plus de 50 ans. Il est capable de voler pendant 12 heures à plus de 21.000 mètres d'altitude. Sa vitesse  maximale est supérieure à 800 km/h.

 

Un de ces appareils a été abattu le 1er mai 1960 alors qu'il effectuait un vol de reconnaissance au-dessus de l'Union soviétique. Cet épisode a alors entraîné une détérioration des relations entre Moscou et Washington.

 

Développé par Teledyne Ryan Aeronautical (filiale de Northrop Grumman), le Global Hawk est un drone de reconnaissance américain conçu pour des missions stratégiques. L'appareil a effectué son premier vol le 28 février 1998 depuis une base aérienne en Californie. Il est capable de voler pendant 30 heures à 18.000 mètres d'altitude.

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16 septembre 2015 3 16 /09 /septembre /2015 10:50
Building a British Military Fit for Future Challenges Rather then Past Conflicts

 

15 September 2015 by General Sir Nicholas Houghton - Ministry of Defence

 

General Sir Nicholas Houghton gives his personal views ahead of the 2015 Strategic Defence and Security Review. (Transcript of the speech, exactly as it was delivered)


 

Well it is a great pleasure to be here tonight. Chatham House enjoys international respect for the quality of its independent and critical thought. So it is, I believe, wholly appropriate that, as part of the Ministry of Defence’s public engagement on the Strategic Defence and Security Review I share some thoughts with you this evening.

It is also important to, I think, reflect that this talk falls on the formal 75th Anniversary of the Battle of Britain. I say this because I wholly revere, as I hope do we all, the remarkable contribution of the Royal Air Force to protecting our country from an undeniably existential threat 75 years ago.

But it is also somewhat ironic that in 2015, this SDSR year, we as a country are spending so much of our national time in emotional reflection on war. Agincourt, Waterloo, Gallipoli, the Battle of Britain, Iraq, Afghanistan. Next year we will commemorate Jutland. For various no doubt immaculate reasons wars or battles such as these have been branded on our national psyche.

As a result I sometimes worry that many have come to view our Armed Forces solely through the optic of war. Our utility has come to be assessed through individual and collective audits of war’s occasionally questionable benefits. This, I strongly believe, hugely misjudges the beneficial utility of military power.

So, if I have a more personal aspiration for this talk, and for the SDSR more generally, it is to bring about a re-imagining of the utility of the Nation’s Armed Forces. Rather than view them through the optic of fighting wars; view them through the optic of the wars we avoid having to fight; the stability we help assure; the prosperity we help achieve; and the liberty and open society we help ensure.

Because, as I will attempt to explain, many of the threats we face today are not existential to our survival as a nation in the classic physical sense. But they are existential to our way of life; to our prosperity, our national values, our individual liberty and to our sense of our nation’s place in the world. These threats will take a particular and bespoke strategy to defeat, or at least to ameliorate.

As I say this talk is part of our public engagement on the SDSR, so it is meant to be a catalyst for questions and inputs to a process that still has perhaps its most interesting and challenging phases ahead of it. For, although it has been underway for some time, there is much left to be decided. Specifically there are some important decisions to be made about our national ambition; our national risk appetite; some hard choices on capability options; and also on what we call security postures… or how we use and employ our national security capabilities.

One thing I would say at the outset is that, in very stark contrast to where we might have been, this Summer’s budget settlement for Defence has given us the opportunity to make choices in this SDSR which are about betterment rather than decline; about reviewing the scale and nature of the security risks to the country and reducing them. This is hugely welcome.

But this does not make this SDSR an easy ride. Far from it. As I will indicate, over the last five years the world has become a far more, not less, dangerous place. It has become ever more difficult to distinguish between transient threats of a non-existential nature and those threats which pose a more enduring danger to our national interest over time.

And although the financial settlement for Defence is real and welcome, its most significant benefits will only materialise in the later years of this parliament. The early benefits lay in a much better-founded ability to deliver the programme envisaged in SDSR 2010. Capability enhancements will rely heavily on new efficiencies which we are now incentivised to achieve and in our ability to compete successfully for the new £1.5 billion Joint Security Fund.

The SDSR will inevitably lead, by the end of the year, to a number of choices about capability. Those choices will, in the main, be made on the grounds of political judgements about national ambition, security risk tolerance and available resources.

In offering such choices to government, officials across Whitehall are trying to create the best possible informed judgements about the risks we must contend with, our national interests, the national security objectives that will deliver those interests, and the policy and capability choices which will best secure those objectives given the global security context which confronts us.

It is not my aim tonight to give you a comprehensive view of where we have progressed with this complex synthesis. Rather I want to give you my sense of the global security context; to draw some deductions from that context; and finally to describe some of the capability and posture choices that derive from those deductions and about which some very difficult decisions will have to be made.

So let me start with the global security context. This is a personal not departmental formulation, it is delivered from personal judgement, a military perspective and is devoid of the optimism bias that some can indulge in. I offer seven thematic observations. The context is one of uncertainty; of instability; of significant threat diversification; of an increasing complexity in inter-state relationships; of the advent of the power of the narrative; of ever greater constraint on the use of force; and of an ever more revealed mis-match between the capabilities we have and those that we need to meet the multiple demands of the current operating environment. I will just start by offering a few words on each.

The uncertainty which continues to endure is borne of the inevitability of change. That change is driven by at least two strategic factors. The first is the relative decline in economic and demographic terms of what you might call Old Europe and the seemingly inevitable rise of the Asia-Pacific region.

The second factor driving uncertainty is the first indications that America may be starting to realise the finite nature of her own power and particularly her ability, or societal willingness, to remain the external security guarantor of three regions of the world: Europe; the Middle East and the Asia-Pacific. However premature such a judgement is, it is nevertheless a cause of uncertainty in the regions that may be affected.

My second observation of the global security context is the prevalence of instability. Instability defines the Middle East and both North and Sub-Saharan Africa. It is China’s greatest internal threat. It is increasingly the condition of Russia’s near abroad. It is not confined to land alone, but is a maritime phenomenon in the Gulf of Guinea, the Mediterranean, the East and South China Seas and elsewhere.

The pervading condition of instability and the individual despair that it generates is one of the causes of mass migration. But, perhaps, the more important thing to recognise is that one of the strongest drivers of this instability is a sense, amongst several nations and at least one great religion, that the current world order denies them a sense of their historic entitlement and to the enjoyment of their rightful place in the world. In some ways we are inextricably a part of an upheaval in the balance of power between states over-time and in other ways we are seeing the state-based model of international order challenged by other views of how the world should be arranged.

My third observation is of the diversification of threats. It probably holds true that an existential threat to the United Kingdom in classic, symmetrical, force-on-force, terms is still remote. But Russia now presents a threat in more novel ways to several of our NATO Allies; and potentially, if not handled well, to the coherence of NATO as an Alliance. In some of our responses we must be careful not to assume that Russia’s rationality mirrors our own.

More widely the threats from in particular terrorism, but also from cyber attack, organised crime, mass migration, natural disaster, energy shortages and much else, all continue to increase. And the emerging outcome of the government review of national security risks, is that we confront a greater range of more serious threats than five years ago; and these threats could manifest themselves in compound form.

My next observation is that the nature of inter-state relationships grows ever more complex as global interdependencies increase. It is absolutely possible for two countries to be in a state of cooperation, competition, confrontation and conflict at one and the same time. Economic cooperation goes hand in hand with competition for trade and markets. Localised and regionalised confrontation over unresolved land disputes abound. Conflict dominates deniable activity in cyberspace. It no longer holds true that our enemy’s enemy is our friend. Reflect, if you will, on Syria, Iraq, Iran and Da’ish.

My fifth observation relates to the significant increase in the power of a potent narrative. This is but one element of Information Age Warfare. Through most of history the primary purpose of military operations has been achieved through physical activity. Physical activity, destruction and geographic advantage has been the means to influence the cognitive domain of war. But nowadays almost all acts of physical violence come with an on-line component, exploiting social networks to manipulate opinion and perception. The tactics employed by Russia in Ukraine, Estonia and Georgia, include combinations of information warfare, cyber activity, counter-intelligence, espionage, economic warfare and the sponsorship of proxies.

In Syria, Iraq and increasingly in our own homelands, Da’ish’s use of messaging and propaganda is more potent than its actual conventional military capability. Da’ish uses Facebook, Twitter and Instagram in 23 different languages. The information age, more widely, permits adversaries unconstrained by western policy, ethical and legal codes, to exploit and assault our vulnerabilities.

My final two observations are borne primarily of reflection on our own national condition, but they are shared in part or in full by many other western nations. The first is that we are experiencing ever greater constraints on our freedom to use force.

Some of these constraints relate to advances in the technological competence of potential enemies and their ability to generate anti-access and area denial capabilities. But the more worrying constraints on the use of force lay in the areas of societal support, parliamentary consent and ever greater legal challenge.

Such constraints are particularly significant when the desire to commit to the use of force is in support of operations which some may consider discretionary to the national interest. And such constraints may impact on our ability to generate deterrence, which wholly depends on the perceivable credibility of our willingness to use force if necessary. My point here is that if a nation’s assumed willingness to commit to the use of force is only in the face of national survival, then we encourage rather than deter revisionist states and their own ambitions.

My final observation is the growing potential mis-match between the current silhouette of Armed Forces capability and the growing demand for action in a contemporary environment constantly requiring effective responses to crisis. Nowhere is this more evident than in the area of the intelligence and strike assets needed to counter terrorism at range. To some our Armed Forces remain stubbornly optimised for episodic combat at scale, whereas the contemporary environment demands multiple, concurrent responses of high readiness force packages optimised for a whole range of crises: from striking terrorists to eliminating Ebola.

What deductions should we draw from all of this? Well my first deduction is really drawn from the first two observations: the inevitability of change and the prevalence of instability brought about by the challenges to the current global order.

The simple fact is that, seen over time, the United Kingdom has done pretty well out of the post 1945, post Cold-War, international settlement and the rules based system which is part of that. Our remarkable retention of geo-political status, relative prosperity and our enviable open society rests significantly on our ability to retain that rules based system and the global stability that is needed to underpin it.

So we must be careful to balance our Defence and Security responses between those threats which demand immediate action and those threats which present as a more incremental but potentially more enduring danger to our national interest over time.

Personally I remain convinced that the Grand Strategic security challenge of the age for the United Kingdom, is how we manage to accommodate the change that is inevitable, whilst at the same time maintaining the stability of the global commons and the rules based international system on which our prosperity, status and open society absolutely depend.

My second deduction is that there is no longer a simple distinction between war and peace. We are in a state of permanent engagement in a global competition. To win or even survive in such a competition means that all the instruments of national power need constantly to be in play. In this context we do need to re-imagine the utility of the Armed Forces beyond the simple construct of fighting wars or preparing for the next one.

To an extent non-war fighting tasks such as deterrence, reassurance, capacity building, peace-keeping, stabilisation and Defence engagement have always been features of what our Armed Forces have done. But, most recently at least, they have not been organised as a strategic endeavour in the context of our most vital national interest.

My third deduction is that most of the threats we face cannot be resolved by decisive military action alone. Terrorism, Hybrid War, Compound threats and War in the Information Age need sophisticated all-of-government approaches. Economic sanctions may prove a more effective lever than military coercion. The importance of a convincing strategic narrative is vital against the dis-information of Russia or the powerful seduction of extremist ideology, magnified as it is through the power of social media. And, across government, we need to organise even better to provide a harmonised response to the threats we face.

My fourth deduction is that we cannot face these threats alone. The importance of achieving collective security through alliances is vital to any enterprise that needs to be conducted at scale. It is also vital to our ability to manage risk in a context in which we simply cannot afford a national inventory to face all threats. In this context an effective NATO is essential, not least because NATO is the only organisation which can credibly integrate conventional and nuclear deterrence. But our other bi-lateral and multi-lateral arrangements are also important, and many of these we only achieve by retaining the status of, what I call, reference Armed Forces, capable of leading coalitions as well as acting independently in our own right.

My final deduction, and one I absolutely share with my fellow chiefs, is the need to be completely honest about the capability start point for this SDSR. In SDSR 2010, the financial crisis forced government to make some difficult choices when setting Future Force 2020. Specific risks were taken, warfighting resilience reduced, certain capability gaps accepted. The choices we make in this SDSR must both start to put this right, and we’ve already done that, and address the new threats we face.

So, my final set of comments relate to those choices. In outlining such choices to you I am not going to list a catalogue of pet projects. Rather I will offer them as packages of capability that address our requirements in generic terms. And I will also say something about postures.

The first set of capability choices lay in the requirement to make good some of our deficiencies in warfighting resilience. This is a broad menu. It stretches from adequate spares provision, to ammunition and missile holdings, to better force protection, to maximising the advantage of the current sunk costs in expensive platforms such as the carriers.

The second set of choices is to regain or sustain the organisational status of our Armed Forces in structural terms. In simple terms this means to fully develop the power-projection capability of the Maritime Taskgroup; to reprioritise the deployable Divisional level of manoeuvre of the Army; and to increase the available Combat Air Mass of the Air Force.

A significant amount of these first two choices can in effect be achieved through changes to structure and productivity rather than simply by buying new things. But we need to make these choices to underwrite and contribute to conventional deterrence, strategic influence and national ambition. Our choices in this respect, particularly in respect of resilience, also need to include infrastructure, manpower and training, so we ensure that the force does not become hollow. Particularly we need to address some of our critical manpower challenges. The greatest risks which the Defence Board faces relate to our ability to recruit and retain skilled people. This is a national not just Defence issue.

In the context of retaining strategic authority we will have some choices to make about de-risking the nuclear enterprise in respect of both its protection and the seamless delivery of a successor deterrent. I say this because we cannot afford to take risk against a deterrent the effectiveness of which fundamentally relies on its invulnerability and continuous availability. So this is non-discretionary.

But, to me, the most interesting package of choices in this SDSR lay in what we call the Joint Forces Command Proposition. Five years ago in SDSR 2010 the Joint Forces Command did not exist and, in the context of a response to the strategic shock of austerity, few people championed the cause of Joint Enablement. The advent of Joint Forces Command has meant we have already started to invest in this vital area.

We now need to build on this investment and increase our capacity to conduct Intelligence, Surveillance and Target Acquisition. Our capacity for multiple deployed Command and Control must increase in number and reduce in bulk. In combination our C4ISR must make possible operations in the information age: exploiting mega data, social media, processing power and miniaturisation.

We must also continue to reset the capabilities of our Special Forces to both achieve strategic insight and to restore a capacity for strategic strike at range, at speed and with enhanced security in otherwise denied areas.

Separately the JFC is the champion of our Cyber Defence and offensive capabilities and I strongly believe that, in offensive capability terms, we are still in the foothills of understanding and exploiting the potency of this new domain of warfare and the degree to which it might replace or complement more conventional approaches to deterrence, coercion and, if necessary, warfighting.

There is much more in the Joint Forces Command package. But I highlight its priority in this SDSR because to me it pulls a three card trick. It meets much of the immediate demand for enhanced counter terrorist capability; it enables the better exploitation of the conventional force structure; and it moves us into a greater realisation of the way to conduct warfare in the information age.

The final set of choices I would offer may not generate the headlines they deserve. But if we are going to stay ahead of the game then we need to spend more, and more wisely on innovation. Only through technical innovation, which properly harnesses the potential of robotics, microprocessing, novel materials and unmanned flight, to name but the most obvious, will we be able to maintain technological advantage, resolve the challenges of anti-access and area denial capability and address some of the long term issue of manpower costs. And our approach to innovation must be more than technical, it must be intellectual, temperamental and doctrinal as well.

In respect of how we posture our Armed Forces, we should reflect on my comments on the need to significantly enhance the pro-active use of a far greater amount of our capability. For example, more of the force structure will need to be active in protection, deterrence and reassurance tasks, including the more active protection of home waters and air space; and a greater routine contribution to NATO’s deterrent posture. We have neglected some aspects of homeland security beyond our responses to terrorism and particularly in the context of Critical National Infrastructure.

A second change in how we posture the force will be in how we contribute to shaping a more stable world. This is an amalgam of tasks which include Defence Engagement, Capacity Building, supporting regional strategies, working with allies and partners to enhance effective security. This will involve additional resources in order to maintain deployed footprints and fund enhanced activity levels. But such activity will also be a key enabler of Defence’s contribution to our wider national prosperity agenda.

But the third, and perhaps most significant change to force posture, will be in our preparedness to manage crisis through agile response. So, a force structure which must ultimately be capable of force projection at scale, must nevertheless optimise its routine posture so it is able to respond to the multiple, small scale demands, which are the defining feature of today’s operating environment. And some of this, through the mechanism of the UK’s Joint Expeditionary Force Pool, will be multinational by design.

Now, it will be very evident to you that the combination of capability choices and force posture options which I have outlined will most definitely aggregate to a resource bill that we cannot meet instantaneously. The capability choices will, therefore, need to be prioritised and the criteria for prioritisation are still in the process of agreement. Clearly, a priority must go to those capabilities which offer the ability to mitigate the most serious and proximate threats. Countering terrorism will be high on this list. The regulator will be the requirement to accept risk elsewhere; and we must do this consciously. An SDSR cannot resolve all our security problems in a moment. Strategic patience will be a virtue.

I cannot yet judge how this SDSR will turn out in respect of the detailed outcomes. But I do have considerable faith that the intellectual framework to deliver a coherent outcome is in place. If I have one residual concern it is that, in our haste to realise efficiency in order to improve capability, we will inflict self-harm in respect of our manpower. We must guard against this, since a failure to attract and retain talent is the most serious risk to our overall capability and, therefore, our national security.

And, finally; I do worry that some people will aspire for an SDSR of falsely assumed perfection, one which delivers a single strategic outcome in which Ends, Ways and Means are locked in perfect harmony and which does not need to be worried about for another five years. I do not believe that the contemporary world allows for such an approach.

Strategy, to me, like helicopter flight, is inherently unstable and often very noisy. Our approach must be adaptive, constantly revisiting ends, ways and means to ensure that coherence is maintained; accepting risk when it is manageable, constantly seeking optimum ways of doing things and only ever compromising ambition when absolutely necessary.

If pressed, therefore, to describe a military fit for future challenges rather than past conflicts, it would be a military that embraces the need for continuous adaptation which I would favour: a military imbued with the spirit of innovation rather than preservation. A military, you might reflect, not a million miles, in human terms, from the Royal Air Force of 1940. It will be an interesting few weeks; and your input will be most welcome.

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Relève des Puma de l'armée de l'air par ceux de l'armée de terre à Madama - photo Armée de l'Air

Relève des Puma de l'armée de l'air par ceux de l'armée de terre à Madama - photo Armée de l'Air

 

15/09/2015 Sources : Commandement des forces aériennes

 

Après 15 mois de présence sur le sol africain, les deux Puma de l’escadron d’hélicoptères (EH) 1/67 «Pyrénées»  sont rentrés en métropole lundi 14 septembre 2015. C’est la fin d’une épopée particulièrement intense pour les équipages Puma de la base aérienne de Cazaux.

 

Arrivés lundi à bord d’un Antonov 124 sur la base aérienne de Mont-de-Marsan, les deux hélicoptères Puma de l’EH «Pyrénées» engagés dans l’opération Barkhane rejoindront Cazaux après leur remise en condition opérationnelle. Le théâtre compte encore des hélicoptères Caracal et une vingtaine d’aviateurs du 1/67.

 

Précurseurs en autonome au nord Niger

Le 18 juin 2014, les deux machines et un détachement d’une vingtaine d’aviateurs de l’escadron (pilotes, mécaniciens navigants, mécaniciens) arrivent à N’Djamena au Tchad, avant d’être déployés quatre mois plus tard au nord Niger. Ils opèrent au sein de la force Barkhane pour lutter contre les groupes armés terroristes dans la bande sahélo-saharienne (BSS).

Placé sous le contrôle tactique du groupement tactique désert Est (GTD-Est), le détachement hélicoptères Air (DETHM Air) soutient d’abord la première phase de présence de la force au nord Niger en s’établissant en précurseur et de manière autonome sur l’aérodrome de Dirkou, seule piste d’atterrissage sur le plateau du Djado. Au fur et à mesure que les convois logistiques arrivent, les voilures tournantes œuvrent en appui des unités du génie notamment, qui, plus au nord, débutent quelques semaines plus tard les travaux pour réhabiliter une piste aéronautique. Les hommes du 25e régiment du génie de l’air (25e RGA) ont ainsi fait surgir du désert une base avancée temporaire au pied du fort de Madama, à une centaine de kilomètres au sud de la frontière libyenne (voir encadré). En attendant la construction d’infrastructures capables d’accueillir des avions de transport tactique, le Puma constitue alors l’unique moyen d’assurer les évacuations aéromédicalisées (AeroMedevac) des militaires. Il est également un outil indispensable pour répondre au défi logistique de l’isolement du site de Madama pour les forces armées.

 

Des opérations aéroterrestres d’envergure

Une fois la piste aéronautique mise en service à Madama début décembre 2014, le DETHM Air s’installe sur ce nouveau site pour appuyer les opérations militaires du GTD-Est. Il s’agit principalement de perturber les flux logistiques des groupes armés terroristes dans la zone. Missions logistiques de dépannage, appui-feu (le Puma est équipé d’un canon de 20 mm en sabord), interception de mobiles, AeroMedevac, reconnaissance, aérolargage... Le détachement de l’armée de l’air apporte un panel de capacités indispensables sur le théâtre et participe à des opérations aéroterrestres d’envergure. Par ailleurs, certaines d’entre elles ont nécessité le déploiement en totale autonomie du module héliporté en plein désert, au plus près des troupes au sol, dans des conditions particulièrement éprouvantes tant pour le personnel que pour le matériel.

 

Au bilan, l’action dans la durée

Au final, sept mandats se sont succédé pendant 15 mois dans la BSS, totalisant pas moins de 470 missions de guerre et plus de 800 heures de vol. Ces chiffres mettent en exergue la ténacité des hommes et des femmes du «Pyrénées», équipages et mécaniciens, qui ont œuvré dans un environnement particulièrement rustique. Malgré des conditions climatiques extrêmes (chaleur et tempêtes de sable) et l’absence de locaux adaptés pour la maintenance aéronautique durant les six premiers mois, la disponibilité des aéronefs au plus haut niveau souligne l’excellence du soutien technique et de la logistique des matériels techniques.

Le théâtre nigérien aura mis à rude épreuve aussi bien les machines que les hommes qui les servent. Mais ce bilan démontre surtout une capacité d’adaptation hors du commun des forces aériennes, capables d’accomplir leurs missions et de s’inscrire dans la durée, dans cette région isolée qui compte parmi les plus arides du monde.

 

photo Armée de l'Airphoto Armée de l'Air
photo Armée de l'Air

photo Armée de l'Air

Le 25e RGA à la manœuvre

 

Dans le cadre du déploiement des Puma sur Madama, c’est le 25e régiment du génie de l’air (25e RGA) qui a eu pour mission de réaliser des aires de stationnement et des accès piste.

Ces travaux d’envergure, indispensables à la conduite des opérations militaires en BSS, consistaient à créer de toutes pièces une plateforme de 75 000 m² et deux surfaces béton de 800 m² afin d’accueillir des structures métallo-textiles pour la maintenance des aéronefs.

Fortement contraint par les conditions météorologiques éprouvantes, le groupe travaux du génie de l’air, grâce à ses moyens de terrassement et de production béton autonome, a travaillé durant six semaines, jour et nuit pour respecter les échéances.

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photo DCSSA

photo DCSSA


13.09.2015 par Philippe Chapleau - Lignes de Défense

L'institut de recherche biomédicale des armées (IRBA) va bientôt inaugurer ses nouveaux locaux de Brétigny-sur-Orge (sur l'ex BA217). Le SSA travaille actuellement sur l'organisation de cette cérémonie à laquelle le ministre de la Défense pourrait participer.

Le regroupement, un temps discuté, de quatre unités de recherche biomédicale de défense (Toulon, Marseille, La Tronche et Brétigny-sur-Orge) sur le site unique de Brétigny-sur-Orge est presque achevé. On lira ici et ici deux de mes posts sur ce sujet et ici un sujet sur la pose de la première pierre, en avril 2013.

Certains équipements, dont ceux du  laboratoire de haut confinement dédié à l’étude des agents pathogènes de classe 4 – dit "P4" –, (qui voisinera avec le labo P4 de la DGA), ne sont pas encore entièrement installés. Mais le site accueille déjà plusieurs centaines de personnes. L'IRBA regroupe plus de 500 chercheurs, praticiens, techniciens et personnels de soutien administratif.

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photo DGA

photo DGA

 

Sept 12, 2015 defense-aerospace.com

(Source: DCNS; issued Sept 11, 2015)

 

CONCARNEAU and PARIS --- PIRIOU, DCNS and KERSHIP have been awarded the contract to provide the French Navy with four Offshore Support and Assistance Vessels (BSAH), along with the associated maintenance.

 

The French Navy intends to use the BSAHs for the deployment of forces for State operations at sea.

 

The contract was awarded by The French Defence Procurement Agency (DGA) to KERSHIP, a joint company created by PIRIOU and DCNS to ensure the management of the programme. The contract includes a firm order for two vessels and an option for two further vessels.

 

PIRIOU will ensure the design and construction of the vessels, which are characterised by a high degree of versatility and autonomy of 30 days. DCNS, in its capacity as a co-contractor for military design studies, will supply the on-board communications systems and will be responsible for the Through-Life Support (TLS) over a period of up to five years.

 

Pascal Piriou, CEO of the PIRIOU Group, said: “This contract represents a significant share of our workload in France for the next three years. It is the winning combination of a bid that was convincing both in terms of technical content and pricing and with regard to the industrial solution, based on 100% production in France. KERSHIP has clearly become the fulcrum of our collaboration with DCNS in which we are focusing the specific expertise necessary to win future export orders thanks to the visibility created by the B2M and BSAH contracts.”

 

Pierre Legros, Director of Programmes at DCNS, said: “DCNS has consolidated its position as a major partner of the French Navy by offering its client, in partnership with Piriou, vessels that meet the exact needs of the operational units. Through its joint company KERSHIP, DCNS is able to offer a complete catalogue of compact and mid-range vessels, backed by French specialists, from offshore patrol vessels to specialist support vessels (the B2M and BSAH multi-mission vessels).

 

KERSHIP is also able to capitalise on the original experience of the OPV L’Adroit, developed by DCNS with its own funding and placed at the disposal of the French Navy for the last four years.”

 

This contract covers the design and construction of 70-metre vessels with a fully-laden displacement of about 2,600 tons. The first two units are due for delivery in 2018, with the other two units due in 2019.

 

The diversity of missions required by the French Navy led to the proposal of a Supply Vessel-type ship with a towing capacity of 80 tons, a speed of 14 knots and significant autonomy of about 30 days of operation without refuelling. The vessels will be equipped with an 8-metre working boat and semi-rigid boats as well as a crane allowing the embarkation and disembarkation of containers, and can also accommodate divers, transport weapons and ammunition, provide support to a submarine during stopover, and deploy an anti-pollution barrier.

 

Involved in shipbuilding, repair, naval engineering and services since 1965, PIRIOU specializes in producing medium sized vessels up to 120 m in length with high added value. With more than 400 ships built and delivered worldwide, PIRIOU provides, on a global scale, bespoke solutions as well as a complete range of standardized or customized vessels that satisfy the requirements of international ship-owners, whether they be private or public, civilian or military.

 

DCNS is a world leader in naval defence and an innovator in energy. As an international high-tech company, DCNS uses its extraordinary know-how, unique industrial resources and capacity to arrange innovative strategic partnerships to meet its clients' requirements. The Group designs, builds and maintains submarines and surface vessels. The Group also proposes services for naval shipyards and bases. The Group reports revenues of €3.1 billion and has a workforce of 13,130 employees (2014 data).

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photo BAE Systems

photo BAE Systems

 

15 Sep 2015 By Vin Shahrestani, and agencies

 

A new state-of-the-art fighter pilot helmet by BAE Systems is able to to see in the dark, as well as to 'see through' the aircraft

 

BAE Systems has unveiled the Striker II, its most advanced fighter pilot helmet which removes the need for external night-vision goggles. The helmet has a fully integrated digital night vision and can also track the pilot's head movement, a feature that allows the aircraft computer system to work in sync with its human operator.

 

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Hurricane Mark II, Avro Lancaster Mk 1 & Spitfire Mark Vb over Blackpool


Photographer: Images by Sgt Jack Pritchard, RA

 

Part of a series of images captured during a 2 day period spent with the Royal Air Forces Battle of Britain Memorial Flight which is based at RAF Coningsby, Lincolnshire.

 

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Vice Admiral Matthew Quashie, Chief of Ghana’s Defence Staff

Vice Admiral Matthew Quashie, Chief of Ghana’s Defence Staff

 

15 September 2015 by Jonathan Katzenellenbogen - defenceWeb

 

The Chief of Ghana’s Defence Staff has appealed for additional international help in fighting mounting piracy off the West African coast.

 

Vice Admiral Matthew Quashie said the Gulf of Guinea had become the world’s “piracy hotspot” and that West Africa needed greater international help from the world’s larger navies to help secure the region’s waters. The South African Navy had made a number of visits to Ghana for joint exercises and their support in fighting piracy would be “most welcome,” he said.

The recent discovery of large deposits of oil and gas off the coast of Ghana have raised fears in Accra about the rise in piracy in the Gulf of Guinea.

Quashie also said he wanted to see greater cooperation on security matters from the oil companies. “They (the oil companies) must stop using the excuse that they are not supposed to do anything for the military,” he said.

 

 

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Ex-BPC russes - photo Philippe Chapleau

Ex-BPC russes - photo Philippe Chapleau

 

14 septembre 2015. Portail des Sous-Marins

 

Moscou a fait savoir que les équipements russes installés à bord des 2 BPC Mistral qui devaient lui être livrés, pourraient rester à bord si l’Égypte, un acheteur éventuel, achetait les 2 navires, indique un responsable français.

« La Russie pourrait accepter que l’Inde et l’Égypte reçoivent ces équipements, » Le Caire étant le candidat susceptible d’acheter les navires, a explique ce responsable le 7 septembre. Les autorités russes l’ont « fait savoir » durant les négociations sur l’annulation du contrat de 2011.

La livraison du matériel aiderait la Russie à conserver des liens étroits avec l’Égypte, explique le responsable français.

De plus, Riyad financerait l’achat des BPC Mistral par l’Égypte, puisque l’Arabie Saoudite n’a pas de culture maritime. La marine égyptienne serait alors une force navale « par procuration » pour les Saoudiens. L’Arabie Saoudite s’inquiète d’une menace perçue au Yémen et en provenance d’Iran, ce qui conduit Riyad à financer le renforcement des capacités militaires égyptiennes.

 

Un remboursement rapide, voire expéditif

La France a immédiatement remboursé la Russie, avant même que l’accord n’ait été approuvé par le Parlement. Certains en effet s’inquiétaient que des anciens actionnaires — en particulier américains — de la compagnie pétrolière russe Yukos puissent tenter de faire saisir les navires, dans le cadre d’une réclamation de 50 milliards $ contre la Russie.

Il est loin d’être établi qu’une telle procédure ait pu être lancée en France, puisque les Mistral auraient été considérés comme des “navires d’état”, un statut légal qui rend les navires militaires insaisissables, explique un avocat. Une autre possibilité aurait pu être une réclamation sur les fonds payés à la Russie.

En 2000, dans une autre affaire, une compagnie suisse avait tenté de faire saisir le Sédov, le plus grand voilier navire-école du monde, ainsi que les comptes bancaires en France de l’ambassade de Russie.

 

Référence : Defense News (Etats-Unis)

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Des inspecteurs militaires russes bientôt en Suisse et en Roumanie

 

14.09.2015 sputniknews.com

 

La visite se déroulera dans le cadre du Document de Vienne de 2011 sur les mesures de confiance et de sécurité.

 

Des inspecteurs russes examineront l'activité militaire sur des terrains militaires suisses et roumains du 14 au 17 septembre, a fait savoir Sergueï Ryjkov, responsable du Centre national pour la diminution de la menace nucléaire.

 

"Du 14 au 17 septembre, le groupe d'inspecteurs russes réalisera une inspection dans une région suisse dans le cadre du Document de Vienne de 2011 sur les mesures de confiance et de sécurité", a-t-il précisé.

 

Selon lui, cette inspection cherche à définir l'envergure de l'activité militaire déclarée dans la région en question de près de 15.000 kilomètres carrés ou à confirmer l'absence de toute activité militaire devant normalement être officiellement notifiée.

 

"Au cours de cette inspection, les inspecteurs russes se rendront sur des terrains militaires, assisteront à des points de presse sur l'activité militaire menée dans la région, obtiendront de l'information concernant les groupes et divisions militaires suisses déployés ainsi que les exercices militaires "CONEX 2015" prévus en Suisse pour les 14-18 septembre et visant à assurer la sécurité et la coopération en cas de situations d'urgence", a fait remarquer M.Ryjkov.

 

En outre, une inspection sera menée en Roumanie. Dans ce pays, les spécialistes russes obtiendront l'information sur l'activité militaire des divisions roumaines déployées et concernant les exercices militaires "HISTRIA-2015".

 

L'architecture européenne de sécurité comprend plusieurs accords sur le désarmement, le contrôle des armements et les mesures de la confiance dans le domaine militaire.

 

Ainsi, le Document de Vienne de 2011 prévoit un vaste échange d'information sur les forces armées, les projets de défense ou encore les budgets militaires. Les pays de l'OSCE partagent donc les données concernant certains types d'activité militaire, invitent des observateurs et organisent des inspections.

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Opération UNIFIER: la mission canadienne d’instruction en Ukraine commence pour de bon

Le Major Ben Rogerson, officier commandant de la Compagnie d’entraînement, se tient au Garde-à-vous avec ses troupes lors de la cérémonie marquant le début de l’entraînement des troupes Ukrainiennes par des soldats canadiens pendant l’opération UNIFIER au Centre international de maintien de la paix et de sécurité, à Starychi, Ukraine le 14 septembre, 2015. (MDN)

 

15 septembre 2015 par Jacques N. Godbout – 45eNord.ca

 

Après une longue période de préparation, la mission d’instruction opération UNIFIER, annoncée en avril dernier par le premier ministre Harper et le ministre de la Défense Jason Kenney, a finalement démarré officiellement cette semaine.

 

Le 14 septembre 2015, le personnel militaire ukrainien et canadien s’est tenu au garde-à-vous à deux endroits en Ukraine à l’occasion des cérémonies d’ouverture soulignant le début de la mission d’entraînement militaire du Canada en Ukraine, annonce le ministère canadien de la Défense.

Au Centre international de sécurité et de maintien de la paix à Starychi, en Ukraine, le commandant du centre international de sécurité et de maintien de la paix, le Colonel Ihor Slisarchuk a présidé la parade incluant près de 200 membres du personnel militaire ukrainien et canadien.

Entre temps, à Kamyanets-Podilsky, au Centre de déminage du ministère de la Défense ukrainien, le Major canadien Matt Littlechild s’est tenu côte à côte avec le commandant ukrainien Colonel Rodikov, à l’occasion d’une petite cérémonie soulignant le début de l’entraînement où les membres du personnel militaire canadien et ukrainien perfectionneront les compétences en génie allant des tâches de base du génie comme le dégagement des obstacles aux tâches complexes comme l’élimination des Dispositifs explosifs de circonstance (IED).

Le 14 avril 2015, le premier ministre Stephen Harper, entouré de son ministre de la Défense et du chef d’état-major de la Défense, avait annoncé que le Canada allait déployer près de 200 membres des FAC en Ukraine jusqu’au 31 mars 2017.

Mais, alors que les formateurs américains étaient déjà à l’oeuvre depuis longtemps, la mission canadienne tardait à commencer, faute d’avoir déjini le cadre juridique de l’opération canadienne avec les autorités ukrainiennes.

Le 27 juin, le ministre de la Défense, Jason Kenney, en visité en Ukraine le centre d’entraînement de Yavoriv, près de la frontière polonaise, avait salué le personnel des Forces armées canadiennes qui observait là-bas l’entraînement que reçoivent les forces armées ukrainiennes et avait annoncé que les obstacles juridiques et diplomatiques au déploiement des formateurs militaires canadiens en Ukraine avaient été pour la plupart levés, a déclaré le ministre..

Le 31 août le deuxième et dernier groupe de la Force opérationnelle interarmées en Ukraine avait atterri à l’aéroport international de Lviv (ouest ukrainien) le 31 août, lançant ainsi la mission d’instruction appelée Opération UNIFIER.

Durant la parade à Starychi le 14 septembre, le commandant de la Force opérationnelle du Canada, le Lieutenant-colonel Jason Guiney, a longuement parlé du partenariat militaire continu entre les deux pays et la façon dont les leçons seront communiquées entre le personnel militaire canadien et ukrainien dans les mois à venir.

«Au cours des derniers mois, les Forces armées canadiennes ont reçu un soutien exceptionnel et un accueil chaleureux de la part des militaires ukrainiens. Nous sommes impatients de commencer l’entraînement conjoint et de transmettre nos connaissances et notre expérience à nos frères d’armes ukrainiens,», a déclaré à cette occasion le Lieutenant-colonel Guiney.

En plus de l’entraînement tactique qu’offrira le Canada à Starychi et de l’expertise en génie qu’apportera le personnel des Forces armées canadiennes à Kamyanets-Podilsky, la mission d’entraînement militaire du Canada en Ukraine fournira une formation dans les domaines de la police militaire, de la sécurité aérienne, du secourisme militaire et de la logistique, indique la Défense canadienne dans son communiqué annonçant le démarrage de l’opération.

« Bien que l’Opération UNIFIER ne soit pas le premier partenariat militaire entre le Canada et l’Ukraine, elle demeure l’engagement militaire le plus long et le plus significatif entre les deux pays depuis que l’Ukraine a proclamé son indépendance », souligne aussi le ministère de la Défense du Canada.

Le Canada et l’Ukraine sont des alliés de longue date et, à la chute du bloc soviétique, Ottawa a été parmi les premières capitales à reconnaître l’indépendance de l’Ukraine. En outre, depuis le renversement du président pro-russe Ianoukovitch en février 2014 et le début de la crise ukrainienne, le Canada, qui compte une importante minorité ukrainienne forte de i,2 millions de personnes, a été un soutien indéfectible des nouvelles autorités pro-occidentales à Kiev.

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16 septembre 2015 3 16 /09 /septembre /2015 07:40
India Plans Joint Su-30 Aircraft Modernization with Russia

MOUNTAIN HOME AIR FORCE BASE, Idaho -- An Indian Air Force SU-30K jet touches down at Mountain Home Air Force Base, along with seven others, to train with Airmen here July 17. This is the first time in history the Indian Air Force has been on American soil to train with US fighters. They will be taking advantage of Mountain Home's vast air space and multiple ranges to better prepare their aircrews for future flying missions. (U.S. Air Force photo/ Airman 1st Class Ryan Crane) (Released by Staff Sgt. Brian Stives, 366th Fighter Wing Public Affairs Office)

 

September 14, 2015 By Sputnik

 

MOSCOW: India has expressed interest in carrying out a joint project to extensively modernize its SU-30MKI aircraft in collaboration with Russian companies, the Russian state technology corporation Rostec said in a statement Friday.

 

“In the long term, as recommended by the Russian Ministry of Defense, we plan a major upgrade of the SU-30SM [model] to increase its combat effectiveness. The Indian government has expressed interest in collaborating to modernize the SU-30MKI, which is an evolution of the SU-30SM,” the statement reads.

 

According to the statement, both aircraft models will be given upgraded avionics and radars, as well as an improved engine. The SU-30SM and the SU-30MKI will also be equipped with additional weapons.

 

The SU-30 MKI, NATO reporting name Flanker-H, is the Indian Air Force’s elite fighter-bomber. It was developed by Russia’s Sukhoi Aviation Corporation and built under license by India’s Hindustan Aeronautics.

 

Russia and India have been close partners in military and technical cooperation for decades. In 2014, the total value of weapons and military hardware delivered by Russia to India reached $4.7 billion, according to Russian Federal Service for Military-Technical Cooperation estimates.

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16 septembre 2015 3 16 /09 /septembre /2015 07:35
Australia and India in first maritime exercise


14.09.2015 Pacific Sentinel
 

The inaugural bilateral maritime exercise between India and Australia, AUSINDEX15, has commenced, with an opening ceremony held in Visakhapatnam, India, over the weekend.

 

Building on the personal relationship of Prime Minister Modi and Prime Minister Abbott, the Minister for Defence, the Honourable Kevin Andrews MP, recently visited India to further develop, with his counterpart Minster Manohar Parrikar, the Framework for Security Cooperation.

 

“India is the emerging democratic super power of Asia. It is therefore sensible that the relationship between India and Australia be developed and strengthened,” Mr Andrews said.

 

The maritime exercise is a tangible sign that will strengthen defence co-operation between the two countries as envisaged in the Framework for Security Co-operation announced by the Australian and Indian Prime Ministers in 2014.

 

Head Navy Capability, Rear Admiral Jonathan Mead, AM, RAN, joined India’s Flag Officer Commanding Eastern Fleet, Rear Admiral Ajendra Bahadur Singh,VSM, to mark the occasion.

 

“India is a key security partner in the Indian Ocean and Asia-Pacific,” RADM Mead said.

 

“Both our navies have a mutual interest in promoting peace and prosperity in the Indian Ocean and this is a natural progression of our Navy-to-Navy relationship, given our shared maritime security interests.”

 

Three Royal Australian Navy ships and a Royal Australian Air Force AP-3C have made the passage to India for the inaugural biennial exercise.  HMA Ships Sirius, Arunta and Sheehan will train with Indian Navy Ships Shivalik, Ranvijayi and Shakti, along with P-8I Maritime Patrol Aircraft during the week-long activity.

 

The exercise will start with briefings and practical demonstrations ashore, before progressing to sea. 

 

“At sea, surface and anti-submarine warfare exercises will be conducted and there will also be the opportunity for aviation cross deck operations,” RADM Mead said.

 

“The Royal Australian Navy values the deepening engagement with the Indian Navy.

 

“This will strengthen our relationship and further our ability to undertake regional joint and/or combined operations such as humanitarian assistance and disaster relief,” he said.

 

AUSINDEX15 is being held in waters off Visakhapatnam, India until late September.

 

AUS DoD

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16 septembre 2015 3 16 /09 /septembre /2015 07:35
source Alert5 blog

source Alert5 blog

 

Sept 14, 2015 defense-aerospace.com

(Source: Alert5 blog; posted Sept 13, 2015)

 

The Shenyang J-11BS fighter made its first public flying demonstration during the Air Force public day in Changchun, Jiling province on Sept. 11. The J-11BS is the two-seat indigenous copy of the Su-27. The aircraft is powered by the WS-10 engine.

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16 septembre 2015 3 16 /09 /septembre /2015 07:35
New Airbus ACJ 320 in Commission at Royal Thai Air Force

RTAF ACJ 320 seat configuration consist of 75 seats (VVIP 4 seats, VIP 6 seats, the director of travel one seat, followed by eight seats, crew 2 seats. and 54 passengers seats) (photo : RTAF)


14.09.2015 Defense Studies


BANGKOK – The Royal Thai Air Force (RTAF) has held a delivery ceremony of a new military aircraft which will be used for non-war missions. 

The delivery of Airbus ACJ 320 took place at Military Terminal 2 in Bangkok. Deputy PM and Defense Minister Gen Prawit Wongsuwan presided over the ceremony. The aircraft was purchased under the RTAF procurement project of a passenger plane for high-ranking and prominent persons.

Aside from transporting important persons, the airbus will be used for humanitarian missions such as evacuation of disaster-affected Thais living overseas and peace-keeping operations.

The ACJ320 boasts the most spacious cabin in the corporate jet market. The double engine airplane can seat up to 75 passengers and fly at a maximum distance of 5,900 kilometers or around seven hours when filled up.

The airbus is based at Royal Flight Squadron 602, Wing 6 in Bangkok.

(Pattaya Mail)

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