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23 mars 2015 1 23 /03 /mars /2015 17:35
Soldiers of the Indonesian Army - photo S.Titus

Soldiers of the Indonesian Army - photo S.Titus


March 20, 2015 By Prashanth Parameswaran - TheDiplomat


Jakarta is reorganizing its military for the future. But specifics still remain unclear.


On Tuesday, Indonesian President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo held a limited cabinet meeting at the State Palace in Jakarta to discuss the ongoing modernization of the country’s military (TNI) and the national police.

One of the subjects discussed was the status of Indonesia’s new joint regional military commands – locally abbreviated Kogabwilhan – which are supposed to be in place by 2024. As I’ve written before for The Diplomat, the essence of the Kogabwilhan concept is to structure the military into multi-service regional commands consisting of a combination of army, air force and navy units and led by generals who would be able to respond quickly and flexibly to flash points with greater autonomy relative to the central leadership in Jakarta. The idea is not entirely new. Plans to begin implementing it had begun as early as 2008 under former Indonesian president Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, and Jokowi had agreed to continue with ongoing efforts last November.

According to The Jakarta Post, TNI commander General Moeldoko, who is overseeing the progress of this, said Jokowi reiterated his support for Kogabwilhan at the meeting but said “it should be done gradually.”

As I’ve argued before, getting these commands finalized was always going to be a slow process given challenges such as the army’s traditional dominance in Indonesia as well as lingering questions like how leadership would work and what sorts of threats the commands should each be responsible for. Moeldoko, who is rumored to be retiring soon, said this probably means Indonesia will establish a first regional unit first, and then later continue with building the second and then the third.

There is also talk about bringing back the role of deputy TNI commander, which was previously scrapped under former Indonesian president Abdurrahman “Gus Dur” Wahid. The logic of the move, according to Moeldoko, is that this would ensure that the deputy can act even when the TNI commander is absent.

Not everyone is a fan of the proposal, however. Some say reinstating that position would just complicate the existing military structure – with one strong commander controlling all three military forces. It is also unclear what the exact division of labor would be between the commander and his deputy. Coordinating Political, Legal and Security Affairs Minister Tedjo Edhi Purdijatno, for his part, said that the plan needed further study.

Meanwhile, Cabinet Secretary Andi Widjajanto revealed that the meeting had discussed a plan to prepare a presidential regulation on TNI reorganization. According to Andi, the regulation would be produced in 2015, but its implementation would be conducted gradually up until 2019.

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23 mars 2015 1 23 /03 /mars /2015 08:35
News Report: Indonesia, Japan to Sign a Defense Agreement


21 March 2015 by Steve Herman (VOA)


BANGKOK—Indonesia said it will sign a defense agreement with Japan -- a move certain to raise concerns in China, with which Jakarta already has a military pact.


Indonesia on Friday announced that a non-binding defense agreement will be signed with Japan next week when President Joko Widodo visits Tokyo for talks with Prime Minister Shinzo Abe.


Indonesian officials say the agreement will increase cooperation in military technology, training and peacekeeping operations; a significant boost above their current defense relationship, which is essentially limited to the exchange of military students. The new pact might also include exchanging intelligence information.


Indonesia has enjoyed a more formal military relationship with China -- with which it has a binding agreement -- and has purchased Chinese missiles and other equipment.


President Widodo is also to visit China immediately after Japan.


Foreign Ministry spokesman Armanatha Nasir said the president will raise the contentious South China Sea territorial dispute in both Tokyo and Beijing.


"Of course the issue of regional peace and stability will be discussed both in Japan and China, because the importance of ensuring that the region continues to benefit from stability and peace, because this is a major factor in the contribution for the region's economic development," Nasir said.


Japan does not have claims in the South China Sea, but it and China do dispute the sovereignty of uninhabited islands in the East China Sea, which are controlled by Japan.


Indonesia, the largest country in Southeast Asia in terms of size and population, has taken a neutral stance on territorial disputes, as Nasir points out, offering itself as a broker to its neighbors and China.


"We're a non-claimant country, but we're committed to helping ensure that there can be trust within the countries, claimant countries, on this issue," noted Nasir. "We have pushed for the negotiation through ASEAN in particular, and I think there's certain progress there where China and the other claimants who are ASEAN members have been discussing this issue."


Under Prime Minister Abe, Japan has bolstered its security policy, increasing ties with the Philippines and Vietnam, which also have territorial disputes with China.


Closer military ties with Jakarta would make the Japanese defense industry more competitive with South Korean manufacturers of military equipment.


At home, Abe has sought to loosen restrictions contained in Japan's pacifist constitution imposed on it by the United States after the Japanese defeat in the Second World War. But that has caused considerable anxiety in China and on the Korean peninsula, which suffered at the hands of Japan's colonialism in the first half of the 20th century.

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10 octobre 2014 5 10 /10 /octobre /2014 11:35
8e SIASE (session internationale Armement et économie de défense)


30.09.2014 IHEDN


Du 21 au 26 septembre 2014, l’Institut des hautes études de défense nationale a organisé en partenariat avec la Direction générale de l’armement du ministère de la Défense (DGA) la 8e session internationale Armement et économie de défense à Paris et à Toulon.

Au cours de cette semaine, 11 auditeurs étrangers, professionnels de l’armement, civils et militaires, originaires de 6 pays d’Asie du Sud-est (Brunei, Indonésie, Malaisie, Philippines, Singapour et Vietnam), ont pu échanger avec leurs homologues français et approfondir leurs connaissances dans le domaine de la « programmation pluriannuelle et des processus d’acquisition des équipements pour la Défense ».

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27 août 2013 2 27 /08 /août /2013 16:35
Think Tank: Indonesia’s new military chief

26 August 2013 by Natalie Sambhi  - Pacific Sentinel

On 21 August, the Indonesian House of Representatives endorsed the candidacy of General Moeldoko, Indonesia’s Army Chief, moving him a step closer to becoming commander TNI. With defence ties a key pillar of the Australia–Indonesia bilateral relationship, it’s worth knowing more about the Indonesia’s future military leader (known as ‘Panglima TNI’) and what this means for Australia.

Moeldoko finished top of his class and is generally considered to be a high-performing officer. If his first public statements can be taken to encapsulate his approach to the military, then expect an emphasis on military professionalism and soldier welfare. Moeldoko has promised to improve soldiers’ welfare by increasing their pay by 15%. He also intends to improve soldier discipline, minimise the import of foreign military equipment in order to support Indonesia’s defence industry and remain neutral during the upcoming 2014 elections.

Of particular interest to Australia is Moeldoko’s background, which is free from incidents of human rights abuse. As such, he’ll set a credible example in military professionalism and soldier discipline. There’s only been one minor controversy so far. There have been allegations that in March 2011, soldiers under Moeldoko’s command at the time were involved in encouraging Muslims to occupy Ahmadiyah Muslim mosques (a minority sect of Islam that is unpopular with many Indonesian Muslim groups) to teach Ahmadis the ‘true path’ of Islam. Despite Moeldoko having reportedly expressed some support for the activities, on 20 August, a Human Rights Commission found no evidence to support his direct involvement in that operation. As all incoming military and police chiefs undergo a human rights background check (called a fit-and-proper test), a positive finding would have jeopardise his chances of getting the top job.

With regards to military culture, Moeldoko wants soldiers to remain humble with civilians. And while he admits it might take some time to achieve this, he intends to make changes to the training and education to address what he calls ‘software bugs’ such as a culture of violence and impunity.

Also important has been Moeldoko’s merit-based appointment. It reflects recognition by the country’s political leadership that TNI needs smart and professional officers. Moeldoko is President SBY’s nomination, but suggestions of nepotism are less tenable in this case: he’s well-known as an ‘ideas man’ and enjoys support from other political figures including the deputy head of the House of Representatives. This contrasts with the appointment of President SBY’s brother-in-law (PDF), General Pramono Edhie Wibowo, as the former Chief of Army, which drew speculation of favouritism. TNI has come a long way (and still has some way to go) but if it’s to continue relations with foreign militaries and continue professionalising, it needs strong leadership.

The only thing to watch is Moeldoko’s request that TNI have a greater role in national security matters like ‘terrorism and communal conflicts’. Advocating a greater role for TNI in domestic matters is a means of increasing its prominence and demanding more resources. But as Indonesian defence analyst Iis Gindarsah has stated, the military should stay out of domestic issues and concentrate on external threats because it’s really the purview of the police.

The fact that Moeldoko is requesting this role is also a reflection of the poor job the Indonesian police are doing. The Cebongan incident in March is a case in point. Kopassus soldiers shot and killed four prisoners in Cebongan prison in Yogyakarta while in police custody. Rather than being condemned for vigilante action, the soldiers were praised by Yogyakarta citizens for ridding the city of gangsters, a task in which the police was seen to have failed. Rather than playing into this, it’d be far better for Moeldoko to rise above this competition so both Indonesia’s police and military can focus on their own challenges. The appointment of a new police chief later this year will provide some idea about the future effectiveness of Indonesia’s civil forces.

Overall, Moeldoko will be good for TNI–ADF relations and for Australia. His commitment to professionalism and soldier welfare make him a positive figure and role model of a post-reformasiTNI. Moeldoko’s current counterpart, Australia’s Chief of Army Lieutenant General David Morrison, is also committed to improving military professional culture—which suggests some natural complementarity in future ADF cooperation with Indonesia’s forces. Despite occasional incidents like the Cebongan case that impair TNI’s image, Moeldoko seems quite serious about its future. A more professional TNI is always going to be more palatable for the broader Australian polity in Australia–Indonesia relations. And perhaps figures like General Moeldoko can help shift outdated Australian perceptions of TNI in the process.

Natalie Sambhi is an analyst at ASPI and editor of The Strategist.

This article first appeared on the ASPI "The Strategist" Blog

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12 juin 2013 3 12 /06 /juin /2013 11:35
L’Indonésie se lance dans la construction de sous-marins

12 juin 2013 Par Rédacteur en chef. PORTAIL DES SOUS-MARINS


Le ministre indonésien de la défense, Purnomo Yusgiantoro, a annoncé que son pays allait bientôt construire les infrastructures nécessaires à la construction de sous-marins.


Les infrastructures seront construites par l’entreprise publique de construction navale PT PAL à Surabaya, a expliqué Purnomo après une séance de la Commission de politique industrielle de défense.


Il a ajouté que les infrastructures seraient prêtes d’ici 2 à 3 ans.


L’Indonésie est le plus grand archipel au monde. Elle a donc besoin d’une marine puissante pour protéger ses milliers d’îles.


L’Indonésie s’est entendu avec la Corée du Sud pour construire les infrastructures pour la construction de sous-marins. La coopération comprend l’accord de licence, l’ingénierie, la fabrication et la construction d’un prototype.


La coopération s’est déjà mise en place pour la conception et, d’ici 2 ans, elle devrait s’étendre à la fabrication et au prototype.


L’Indonésie et la Corée du Sud ont aussi conclu un accord de transfert de technologie pour la construction des sous-marins.


Le premier sous-marin sera construit en Corée et terminé en 2014.


La construction du deuxième verra la participation de techniciens indonésiens et celle du 3è aura lieu en Indonésie.


Une base sous-marine sera construite sur la baie de Palu (Sulawesi) et devrait être mise en service d’ici la fin de l’année. Tous les sous-marins indonésiens seront basés dans la baie de Palu, y compris les nouveaux construits en Corée.


Référence : Antara News (Indonésie)

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