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30 mai 2013 4 30 /05 /mai /2013 18:30
Matériels militaires russes pour l'Irak: Moscou lance la réalisation du contrat

AMMAN, 30 mai - RIA Novosti

 

La Russie a lancé la production de matériels militaires, principalement d'hélicoptères, destinés à l'Irak, conformément à un contrat de quatre milliards de dollars signé en 2012, a annoncé jeudi à Amman le président du holding russe de hautes technologies Rostec Sergueï Tchemezov.

"Le contrat que nous avons signé avec l'Irak est entré en vigueur, nous avons lancé la production. Le contrat signé pendant une visite du chef du gouvernement irakien Nouri al-Maliki à Moscou porte surtout sur la livraison d'hélicoptères, son montant dépasse quatre milliards de dollars", a indiqué M.Tchemezov devant les journalistes.

Selon les informations précédentes, l'Irak et la Russie ont signé un accord sur l'achat d'armes russes pour 4,3 milliards de dollars en octobre 2012. Aucune information officielle sur les modalités du contrat n'a été communiquée. Selon le directeur du Centre russe d'analyse du commerce mondial d'armes, Igor Korotchenko, il s'agit du plus gros contrat signé par Moscou en 2012.

 

 

 

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26 janvier 2013 6 26 /01 /janvier /2013 12:30

iraq-abrams-photo-USMC.jpg

 

25 January 2013 Liam Stoker - army-technology.com

 

With its armed forces undergoing something of a renaissance, Iraq has, since the toppling of Saddam Hussein's regime, inched towards something resembling normality. Corruption allegations and political machinations have, however, threatened to disrupt such progress.

 

With Saddam Hussein's regime toppled and the threat of insurgency diminishing, the US completed its withdrawal from active duty in Iraq in December 2011. Since then, a concerted effort has been made from the international community to not only secure the immediate future of the Iraqi population, but also to maintain Iraq's international sovereignty.

 

Decimated by the land operations from coalition forces that lead to the overthrowing of Saddam Hussein's government, the Iraqi Army's ground forces were in dire need of modernisation. All but four T-55 tanks, recovered from an old army base and placed into service with the Iraq Army's 1st Division, needed replacing.

 

Despite initial problems and contract cancellations owing to incomplete paperwork, and the persistent threat of collusion and corruption best exposed by recent contract terminations, the new Iraqi Army is beginning to take shape on the back of a recent spate of contract awards and equipment deliveries.

 

Ground forces rejuvenated with Abrams handover

 

Having been used extensively in the country by coalition forces to dispel the Iraqi Army's fleet of T-72 tanks during the initial invasion, the M1A1 Abrams tank was richly sought after. In March 2009, the US agreed an $860m foreign military sale, under which Iraq would receive 140 M1A1 Abrams tanks to help protect national sovereignty, of which the US paid $54m. The final shipment of nine M1A1s was delivered in September 2012.

 

Iraq's armoured corps will not solely be populated by Abrams tanks, after Hungary agreed to donate 77 T-72s in May 2005, with Defense Solutions receiving a $4.5m contract to refurbish them up to operational standards.

 

In order to compliment the use of battle tanks, the Iraqi Army has also received a substantial number of Armoured Personnel Carriers and combat vehicles from a variety of nations, avoiding becoming exclusively reliant on one particular nation for its defence equipment. As part of the arms deal that saw Iraq acquire Abrams tanks, the US also sanctioned the transfer of 400 Stryker combat vehicles to be used by elite units of the Iraqi Army.

 

Despite diplomatic concerns preventing the transfer of 180 M113A1 APCs from the UAE as a gift, Iraq was eventually donated 173 M113 APCs from Jordan , Pakistan and the UAE, while 713 M1114s and 400 M1151 HMMWVs were purchased for the Iraqi Army. Most recently, the Iraqi Army signed a $2.5bn contract with Ukraine for the delivery of 420 BTR-4 APCs, with deliveries currently underway.

 

Replacing shock and awe losses

 

Prior to the 2003 invasion, the country's air force comprised mainly of Soviet-era aircraft acquired from Russia. As the US Air Force exerted dominance over Iraq's airspace during Operation Shock and Awe, their Iraqi counterparts were decimated to such an extent that when the air force resumed operations in 2004, it consisted of just 35 personnel.

 

Work was, however, quickly underway to re-equip the IAF to such an extent that it could defend the country's interests from the skies. The 2007 establishment of the Coalition Air Forces Training Team (CAFTT) saw groundwork under which the IAF is to be retrained, culminating in the IAF planning, executing and monitoring its first ground security operation between 25 March and 1 April 2008.

 

It is planned that by 2015, 516 aircraft will comprise the Iraq Air Force, with the fleet due to increase by a further 34 aircraft by 2018. Specific helicopters mentioned have included Eurocopter EC 635 and Bell ARH-70 models, while 24 T-6 Texan II aircraft are also due to be purchased. A $3bn contract was signed in September 2011 for F-16 aircraft under an FMS contract from the US. A second lot of 18 F-16s was confirmed the next month, with deliveries scheduled to finish by 2014

 

The first F-16s are due to be delivered in December 2013 and, until such a time, Iraq's air space will remain largely unguarded. In preparation for their delivery, six Iraqi pilots are currently undergoing training in the US.

 

Corruption allegations hit Russian contracts

 

Analysis of the Iraqi Air Force's industry shows a lack of Russian-built aircraft, with a $4.2bn contract signed in October 2012 sensationally cancelled just a month later amid claims of corruption. Iraq Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki halted the deal after he suspected members of his own team had accepted bribes.

 

Russian military personnel refuted the allegations, suggesting that Iraq's regime had come under pressure from Washington to cancel the deal that made Russia the country's second-largest arms supplier. The deal itself had come under stringent criticism, with Iraqi MPs alleging the deal to be inadequate to its stated aim. In all 30 Mi-28 attack helicopters were due to be delivered to aid counter terrorism operations, with those opposing the contract stating their belief that the money would be better spent improving the country's intelligence services.

 

Iraq has been treading carefully in terms of defence procurement. With al-Maliki stating that the country did not want to become 'part of someone else's monopoly', contracts were shared between an array of countries including the US, Ukraine, Serbia, Jordan, Germany and Czech Republic. At the time the contract was signed, defence analysts expressed concern over US perceptions of Iraq pressing ahead with the acquisition of Russian equipment, fuelling suspicions in Moscow of Washington's influence over procurement proceedings.

 

Centre for Analysis of World Arms Trade head Igor Korotchenko told the BBC that the cancellation of the deal was an unprecedented in Russian history, before confirming his belief that the US would not allow Iraq to go ahead with a contract of that scale and size. "As far as talk about corruption is concerned, I think it's a smokescreen. I can't see any scope for corruption in the Iraq deal. I believe this is just a pretext and the true reason is Washington applying pressure on Baghdad," added Korotchenko.

 

While the global community has made concerted efforts to resupply Iraq in an effective and efficient manner, political wrangling and one-upmanship threatens to derail this progress, potentially endangering the lives of Iraqi civilians attempting to put the past behind them. With insurgency still problematic in countries including Afghanistan, it is imperative that these efforts are not further disrupted by political machinations.

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9 janvier 2013 3 09 /01 /janvier /2013 08:20

chuck-hagel.jpg

 

Jan. 8, 2013 - By JOHN T. BENNETT  - Defense News

 

Former Nebraska Republican Sen. Chuck Hagel’s nomination to replace Leon Panetta as U.S. defense secretary will bring something old and something new into the national spotlight: President George W. Bush’s Iraq war and a shrinking Pentagon budget.

 

Senate Armed Services Committee members and staff are reviewing Hagel’s decades-thick policy statements, votes and views ahead of a yet-unscheduled confirmation hearing.

 

But even as that deep dive is only in its infancy, it already is clear Hagel’s sharp opposition to the 2007 surge of additional U.S. forces in Iraq — which many credit with turning around that conflict — will take center stage. And it’s a safe bet that congressional proponents of avoiding deep Pentagon spending cuts will press the nominee over what he recently labeled a “bloated” Defense Department budget.

 

That remark came during a 2011 interview with the Financial Times, in which Hagel also said, “The Pentagon needs to be pared down. I don’t think our military has really looked at themselves strategically, critically in a long time.”

 

That comment is drawing the ire of national security-minded conservatives in Washington. Already, right-leaning think tanks and organizations are circulating white papers and talking points slamming a number of Hagel’s past comments on issues, including about cutting the DoD budget.

 

“The current secretary of defense and the White House have suggested that sequestration will be a calamity for our national security,” said Danielle Pletka of the conservative American Enterprise Institute. “How can you reconcile your demand for greater cuts and the rejection of those cuts by the incumbent?”

 

Such points inevitably will be picked up by Republican senators as they prepare to question the nominee in coming weeks.

 

Hagel’s allies, such as Fred Kempe, president and CEO of the Atlantic Council, are not tipping their hand about how deeply Hagel might want to reduce military spending.

 

But in a Jan. 8 television interview, Kempe, who worked closely with Hagel in the nominee’s post as Atlantic Council chairman, noted one of his heroes is former President Dwight Eisenhower. That U.S. wartime general-turned-commander in chief “had a very, very sober view of military spending and … came in after a war and had to make some tough decisions.

 

“Ultimately, it’s President Obama’s decision in the end,” Kempe said. “Certainly in this budget situation, you’re going to have a real hard look at the defense budget. And I think he’ll [Hagel] bring his business acumen and his toughness to play in this.”

 

Iraq Payback?

 

Whether the nation is aching for a new discussion about the still-controversial 2003-2011 Iraq war, it’s about to get one.

 

The former GOP senator angered many in his own party in 2006 when he broke with the George W. Bush administration and congressional Republicans over the conduct of the Iraq war. Some sources and pundits say the attacks Hagel is experiencing now are, in large part, payback for doing so.

 

Hagel penned a controversial 2006 Washington Post op-ed that began: “There will be no victory or defeat for the United States in Iraq.”

 

The then-senator took umbrage with what was at the time one of the top U.S. goals in Iraq.

 

“The time for more U.S. troops in Iraq has passed. We do not have more troops to send and, even if we did, they would not bring a resolution to Iraq. Militaries are built to fight and win wars, not bind together failing nations,” Hagel wrote. “We are once again learning a very hard lesson in foreign affairs: America cannot impose a democracy on any nation — regardless of our noble purpose.”

 

The op-ed was deemed remarkable, in part, because of the sharp language Hagel used.

 

“We have misunderstood, misread, misplanned and mismanaged our honorable intentions in Iraq with an arrogant self-delusion reminiscent of Vietnam,” Hagel wrote. “Honorable intentions are not policies and plans.”

 

Hagel also raised concerns about the economic toll the Iraq war was inflicting on the United States.

 

“The United States must begin planning for a phased troop withdrawal from Iraq. The cost of combat in Iraq in terms of American lives, dollars and world standing has been devastating,” Hagel wrote.

 

“We’ve already spent more than $300 billion there to prosecute an almost four-year-old war and are still spending $8 billion per month. The United States has spent more than $500 billion on our wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. And our effort in Afghanistan continues to deteriorate, partly because we took our focus off the real terrorist threat, which was there, and not in Iraq.”

 

Many of his views appear to place him at odds with several Armed Services Committee members, and that committee would have to approve his nomination before it moves to a full upper chamber vote.

 

One is former anking member John McCain, R-Ariz., to whom some in the GOP Senate caucus will look for guidance on how to vote if Hagel’s nomination reaches the upper chamber’s floor.

 

The Obama administration opted against a tense confirmation process for Susan Rice, who on Dec. 13 withdrew from consideration to become secretary of state over fears that McCain and other GOP senators would either block it or turn the confirmation process into a major political fight.

 

Whether the Hagel-McCain split over Iraq policy will lead McCain to oppose his friend remains an open question.

 

In 2008, McCain said he and Hagel are “close and dear friends” who simply reached different conclusions about the Iraq conflict. In the same interview, McCain called Hagel a “respected leader in America” who “served his country admirably, with honor and distinction.”

 

On Dec. 20, McCain told Defense News he had not yet decided how he would vote.

 

The Opposition

 

An anti-Hagel campaign has sprung up since his name was floated by the White House.

 

Pro-Israeli lawmakers, organizations and pundits have seized on 2008 comments Hagel made about the “Jewish lobby” intimidating U.S. lawmakers. Hagel and his allies have struck back, saying the nominee believes in the American-Israeli alliance.

 

Conservative pundits have deployed to cable TV networks to criticize his views. One is former George W. Bush-era Iraq adviser Dan Senor, a close adviser to 2012 GOP presidential nominee Mitt Romney.

 

Senor noted that some of Hagel’s views, such as questioning whether the kinds of stiff sanctions the Obama administration has placed on Iran over its alleged nuclear ambitions actually work, place him out of synch with the president.

 

One website calls Hagel “too extreme to be secretary of defense,” and lists his views on a range of issues.

 

The Republican National Committee, in a blog post, questions whether pro-Israeli lawmakers such as Sen. Chuck Schumer, D-N.Y., ultimately can support the nomination. The blog post questions if the administration can secure the 60 votes necessary to avoid a filibuster and confirm Hagel as defense secretary.

 

For his part, Schumer, in the hours after Obama announced Hagel’s nomination, is holding his cards close.

 

“Chuck Hagel, as a former colleague and a patriot with a decorated service record, has earned the right to nothing less than a full and fair process in the Senate,” Schumer said in a Jan. 7 statement. “I look forward to fully studying his record and exploring his views.”

 

Some conservative Washington hawks believe Hagel is too antiwar to advise any president on the use of American military power. Not so, say his allies.

 

“Hagel is not a pacifist, and certainly not the dove that his critics have claimed he is. He remains firmly within the foreign policy mainstream in Washington, and has supported past wars that I have opposed,” said Christopher Preble of the Cato Institute. “But his general inclination, hardened after the debacle of Iraq, is to avoid foreign crusades and to resist pressure to send U.S. troops into harm’s way in pursuit of unclear objectives that do not advance U.S. interests. That is a mindset that the neoconservatives cannot abide.

 

“I don’t believe … Obama chose Chuck Hagel in order to humiliate the Republican Party,” Preble said. “I don’t think he intended to shine the light on the bitter divide between the neoconservatives and traditional foreign policy realists. I think he picked Hagel because he likes him, and trusts him.”

 

As Washington awaits his nomination hearing, the issue to track as the nominee meets one-on-one with lawmakers, then answers hours of tough questions in a public hearing, is whether enough senators come to trust Hagel.

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23 décembre 2012 7 23 /12 /décembre /2012 19:59

http://www.rhfsf.com/blog/uploads/2012/OSV_60_launch.jpg

 

December 23, 2012. David Pugliese - Defence Watch

 

First a news release from the U.S. Navy:

 

The Iraqi navy and the U.S. Navy’s Naval Sea Systems Command marked the delivery of two 60-meter Offshore Support Vessels (OSV 1/ OSV 2) to the Iraqi navy in a ceremony at the Umm Qasr naval facility, Dec. 19.

 

The two OSVs, procured as part U.S. Navy’s Foreign Military Sales (FMS) Program, will help reconstitute Iraq’s ability to enforce maritime sovereignty and security in the Northern Arabian Gulf.

 

“This occasion reflects the important ties that bind our governments and our commitment to supporting s strong coalition partnership that is based on mutual respect and understanding,” said Vice Adm. Kevin McCoy, commander, Naval Sea Systems Command. “Combined with the previously delivered Iraqi patrol boats, this acquisition program has offered another unique opportunity for cooperation between our countries.”

 

OSVs are multi-function vessels providing a wide range of capabilities to support Iraq’s oil production platforms. The vessels will provide transport support for crew changes and resupply to the platforms. Each OSV is equipped with a 30mm gun weapon system and outfitted with fast attack boats to defend it and the offshore platforms. The vessels each include a vertical replenishment deck to facilitate the transfer of supplies as needed.

 

RiverHawk Fast Sea Frames is the prime contractor for the OSV procurement, with Gulf Island Marine Fabricators manufacturing the hull and deckhouse, and outfitting the vessels.

 

PEO Ships is currently managing the design and construction of all U.S. Navy destroyers, amphibious ships, special mission and support ships, as well as a wide range of boats and craft for U.S. agencies and foreign military sales.

 

Then….

 

The Libya Herald reports that French and Libyan navies recently met to discuss enhancing intelligence sharing and joint training cooperation. The talks took place during a port visit by a French frigate to Tripoli, which is said to be part of a larger initiative to expand maritime ties between the two countries, the report notes. France has also provided training to Libyan personnel, and helped to secure that country’s maritime areas, while also preventing migrants from attempting to cross the Mediterranean to Europe, it added.

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21 décembre 2012 5 21 /12 /décembre /2012 12:30

http://www.rhfsf.com/blog/uploads/2012/OSV_60_launch.jpg

source rhfsf.com

 

Dec 21, 2012 ASDNews Source : US Navy

 

The Iraqi navy and the U.S. Navy's Naval Sea Systems Command marked the delivery of two 60-meter Offshore Support Vessels (OSV 1/ OSV 2) to the Iraqi navy in a ceremony at the Umm Qasr naval facility, Dec. 19.

 

The two OSVs, procured as part U.S. Navy's Foreign Military Sales (FMS) Program, will help reconstitute Iraq's ability to enforce maritime sovereignty and security in the Northern Arabian Gulf.

 

"This occasion reflects the important ties that bind our governments and our commitment to supporting s strong coalition partnership that is based on mutual respect and understanding," said Vice Adm. Kevin McCoy, commander, Naval Sea Systems Command. "Combined with the previously delivered Iraqi patrol boats, this acquisition program has offered another unique opportunity for cooperation between our countries."

 

OSVs are multi-function vessels providing a wide range of capabilities to support Iraq's oil production platforms. The vessels will provide transport support for crew changes and resupply to the platforms. Each OSV is equipped with a 30mm gun weapon system and outfitted with fast attack boats to defend it and the offshore platforms. The vessels each include a vertical replenishment deck to facilitate the transfer of supplies as needed.

 

RiverHawk Fast Sea Frames is the prime contractor for the OSV procurement, with Gulf Island Marine Fabricators manufacturing the hull and deckhouse, and outfitting the vessels.

 

PEO Ships is currently managing the design and construction of all U.S. Navy destroyers, amphibious ships, special mission and support ships, as well as a wide range of boats and craft for U.S. agencies and foreign military sales.

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1 mars 2012 4 01 /03 /mars /2012 17:35
Guerre du Golfe : le webdocumentaire de l’opération Daguet

 

 01/03/2012 Source ECPAD

 

En 2011 pour commémorer les 20 ans de l’opération Daguet, l’amicale des anciens de la division Daguet sollicite l’ECPAD pour réaliser un documentaire. Découvrez maintenant le webdocumentaire de Frédéric Bouquet.

 

Mis en ligne le 24 février 2012, date anniversaire de la bataille d’As Salman, ce webdocumentaire rassemble plus de 5h30 d’entretiens et d’images d’archives inédites.

 

Grâce à la collaboration avec le général Derville, président de l’amicale des anciens de la division Daguet, la participation des autorités militaires à cette œuvre audiovisuelle est impressionnante : parmi les 27 témoins des officiers généraux (dont le général d’armée Maurice Schmitt, ancien chef d’État-major des armées), plusieurs chefs de corps (dont le général d’armée Bernard Thorette, ancien chef d’État-major de l’armée de Terre), des acteurs des combats, des membres d’unités de déminage, d’unités de soutien, des représentants du service de santé des armées, et des non militaires comme Yves Pellicot, commandant du car-ferry Danielle Casanova, qui avait rapatrié les forces depuis l’Arabie Saoudite en fin d’opération…

 

Enfin, une interview exclusive du général Colin Powell, ancien chef d’État-major de l’armée américaine, démontre l’estime des responsables américains pour le rôle des Français dans cette opération.

 

Le réalisateur du webdocumentaire « Opération Daguet »,  Frédéric Bouquet est aussi l’auteur des documentaires « Colbert, le dernier croiseur », « Jeanne d’Arc, porte-hélicoptères de légende », et « Kolwezi, la part de la Légion ».

Vous apprécierez la souplesse de navigation qui permet une approche historique, géographique ou thématique.

 

Le webdocumentaire « Opération Daguet », un produit multimédia à découvrir d’urgence.

 

>>> Lancer le webdocumentaire

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