10 Jun 2013 By:   Arie Egozi - FG

Tel Aviv - Israel Aerospace Industries is in the advanced development phase for an unmanned air system mission trainer (UMT) to be employed by the Israeli air force, an operator of its Heron system.

According to the company, the UMT will assist the service in meeting the growing demand for well-trained operational crews by providing training that complies with the increasing complexity and variety of UAS missions.

High-fidelity training and simulation features range from a basic internal pilot and operator training system to full mission crew and multi-team training, including accurate payload models for electro-optical/infrared, radar and signals intelligence sensors. The system uses an instructor operating system to support planning, briefing, debriefing and trainee progress monitoring, IAI says.

Shaul Shahar, general manager of the company's Malat division, says use of the UMT will reduce training costs and improve personnel operational skills.

IAI has already delivered various UMT versions to foreign customers, and can adapt its technology to support any type of UAV and payload.

Jun 11 IsraelValley Desk | Défense

La révélation de l’accès du FBI et de l’Agence nationale de sécurité américaine (NSA) aux infrastructures de neuf géants américains d’Internet est troublante. Le programme Prism, révélé par le Washington Post, serait un outil permettant aux services de renseignement américain d’accéder aux données des personnes situées à l’étranger, qui ne sont pas protégées par la loi américaine contre les consultations sans ordonnance.

Samuel Guedj (article publié par Le Monde Juif) : "Potentiellement, ce sont les données de l’ensemble des utilisateurs mondiaux d’AOL, Apple, Facebook, Google (et YouTube), Microsoft (et Skype), PalTank et Yahoo qui sont concernées. Deux d’entre eux (Facebook et Google) ont démenti avoir des « portes dérobées » dans leurs services, qu’ils ont aussi refusé d’installer au Royaume-Uni fin avril. Apple affirme ne pas connaître ce programme.

La NSA aurait embauché deux sociétés israéliennes secrètes au cœur des écoutes électroniques du réseau de télécommunications américain. X (nom publié dans la presse américaine) et Y (nom publié dans la presse américaine), deux noms au cœur du scandale FBI-NSA qui fait trembler l’Amérique.

Les firmes israéliennes ont été fondées en Israël dans les années 1990. Les deux sociétés offrent des capacités de contrôle des informations pour les fournisseurs de services et les organismes gouvernementaux. Ces sociétés israéliennes peuvent donc accéder et conserver de grandes quantités d’informations sur un grand nombre de cibles. Ces deux sociétés sont dirigées par d’anciens officiers militaires israéliens de la très mystérieuse Unité 8200".

9/6/2013 IsraelDefense

A wide-scale naval exercise was carried out by vessels from the Israeli Navy Squadron 916, simulating scenarios involving fishing boats loaded with explosives

Several days ago, a large-scale exercise was carried out by Dvora-class fast patrol boats from the Israeli Navy's Squadron 916, simulating a scenario of "suicide vessels" where fishing ships loaded with explosives attempt to destroy naval vessels.

This squadron is responsible, among other things, for ongoing security patrols in the Gaza Strip's naval area, which is laden with fishing boats. The exercise, conducted on an annual basis and in cooperation with the Snapir port security unit, is part of a wider exercise with the involvement of special forces, missile boats and helicopters.

During the exercise, three fishing boats sail at high speed towards a Dvora in an effort to damage it, as crewmembers run to the deck wearing protective vests and man weapon posts. The Dvora accelerates to top speed and calls of 'fire' are repeated until the three small vessels halt.

Training of this scope is carried out once a year, but the vessels undergo similar but smaller exercises roughly once a month. During the exercise, a drill was also carried out for establishing contact with a helicopter flying above the vessel and guiding it to an attack target, as well as naval refueling of a Dvora vessel with a missile boat, while maintaining safe distance between the vessels.

12.06.2013 Par Mohammed Jaabouk - yabiladi.com

Lundi, le quotidien Haaretz annonce que les exportations militaires d’Israël ont enregistré, en 2012, un bond de 20%, atteignant sept milliards de dollars. Le lendemain, la même publication donne une liste des pays arabes, dont le Maroc, clients de l’industrie d'armement de Tel Aviv. La normalisation est en marche. Que fera Soufiani & Co?

Des armes israéliennes pour les pays arabes. Mardi le quotidien israélien Haaretz, citant un rapport du Department for Business, Innovation and Skills du gouvernement britannique, a publié un article sur la vente, depuis 2008, de matériel militaire au Maroc, Algérie, Emirats et Egypte ainsi que le Pakistan. Il s’agit d’équipements de haute technologie fabriqués sous licence britannique.

Des composants des F16 fabriqués en Israël

Harretz souligne que l’industrie de l’armement en Israël a exporté, en 2010, au Maroc des systèmes électroniques et d’écrans pour cockpit qui auraient servi à équiper les F16 que le royaume avait commandé en 2007 aux Etats-Unis. En 2009, Tel Aviv avait sollicité une nouvelle autorisation du Department for Business, Innovation and Skills en vue de fournir à Rabat des HUD (head up display), des casques qui fournissent aux pilotes des informations sur les conditions de pilotage et les modes d’attaque.  Là aussi, ces gadgets étaient pour les F16.

L’Algérie aussi

Contrairement à une idée réputée et surtout alimentée par la presse algérienne, le voisin de l’Est est un bon client de l’industrie israélienne d’armement. Harretz affirme qu’Israël avait sollicité, en 2009, de l’agence britannique une autorisation pour la livraison à l’Algérie de systèmes radar, de communication, de navigation, des composants de drones et des équipements de vision nocturne destinés aux hélicoptères.

L’Egypte est également logée à la même enseigne que le Maroc et l’Algérie. Le pays du panarabisme a acheté du matériel électronique made in Israël. Hier, un porte-parole du ministère de la Défense égyptien a démenti les informations publiées par Harretz. Contrairement au Pakistan, Maroc, Algérie ou les Emirats, le Caire entretient des relations diplomatiques avec Tel Aviv.

L’arrivée des Frères musulmans au pouvoir n’a rien changé au climat d’entente qui prévaut entre les deux capitales, et ce, depuis les accords de Camp David signés le 7 septembre 1978 par le président égyptien Anouar Essadate et le premier ministre israélien Menahem Begin.

Une société israélienne pour livrer aux arabes des armes américaines

Il n’y a pas que la Grande Bretagne qui autorise Israël à fabriquer du matériel militaire destiné aux pays arabes, le Pentagone aussi. Fin mai, ce ministère de la Défense a signé avec la compagnie israélienne Elbit Systemes un contrat, qui s’étend jusqu’en 2015, pour la fabrication de composants des F16 dédiés à des pays du Moyen Orient (Egypte, Turquie, Egypte, Jordanie, Emirats, Bahreïn et Irak). La valeur du contrat est estimée à plus de 31 milliards de dollars.

Une recherche sur le web, nous a appris que la société Elbit Systemes est spécialisée dans les équipements électroniques à usage militaire et civil.  Elle est classée à la 30ième place  parmi les cent plus importantes firmes mondiales productrices d’armement.

10.06.2013 IDF - army-guide.com

Head of robotics development: IDF uses robotic technology “to strengthen our forces’ operational capability and to facilitate the IDF’s ground superiority”.

Senior officers of the Defense Ministry’s Administration for the Development of Weapons and Technological Infrastructure (MAFAT) were among the participants and speakers in a conference on robotics and its potential for military use held at Tel Aviv University this week.

In a session dealing with the use of robotics for security and military purposes, Lt. Col. Gabi, head of MAFAT’s Robotics Division, delivered a general survey of ground robotics in the IDF.

“Our systems operate in coordination with existing weapons systems, so as to strengthen our forces’ operational capability and to facilitate the IDF’s ground superiority,” he stated.

Lt. Col. Gabi's lecture focused largely on the IDF's use of unmanned ground vehicles (UGVs). “These tools travel on a complex network of predetermined roads, and 90 percent of the time, that happens without the intervention of their operators,” he said.

Currently, the IDF uses UGVs – including the Israeli-developed Guardium – primarily within the Southern Command. UGVs are also used as observation tools along the Judea and Samaria security fence.

Reducing danger for soldiers

In addition to its UGVs, the IDF uses robots to identify and neutralize explosives. These robots utilize advanced capabilities – such as three-dimensional mapping in real time, identifying barriers and planning routes – so as to minimize the involvement of the operators and allow them to focus on other tasks.

“These actions are performed to allow for the opening of roads for the free and safe movement of military forces,” Lt. Col. Gabi explained.

Lt. Col. Gabi discussed various combat scenarios in which robots and UGVs can assist ground forces. “One of the [necessary tasks], for instance, is the clearing of roads from threats or explosives, and it makes perfect sense for this to be done as much as possible by unmanned systems,” he explained. “The UGVs can observe from closer and more dangerous points and draw fire toward themselves tactically.”

In urban combat scenarios, he noted, robotic technology can play a particularly important role in keeping soldiers safe. “The robots sometimes go in front of the forces, open challenging roads such as narrow alleys and assist logistically. A robot can help lighten a soldier’s burden, so that if the soldier is confronted with a battle, he or she can respond appropriately,” Lt. Col. Gabi stated.

He added that he IDF hopes to further upgrade such technology, with plans to begin using a new computerized system that will generate an approximate route for a UGV. The precise route, however, will be determined by the UGV itself.

“The [UGV] will be equipped with obstacle detection sensors, cameras and other tools, and it will be able to identify the barriers by itself and circumvent them,” he explained.

MOSCOU, 10 juin - RIA Novosti

Israël ne serait pas contre un déploiement de casques bleus russes sur le plateau du Golan, a estimé lundi la vice-ministre israélienne de l'Intérieur, Faina Kirschenbaum, en visite à Moscou.

"Nous n'ignorons pas que certains pays ont décidé de rapatrier leurs casques bleus car ils ont eu des blessés. Nous le regrettons beaucoup, bien qu'il ait été entendu qu'il y resterait des forces. Si le président Poutine a décidé d'y envoyer un contingent, je ne crois pas qu'Israël s'y oppose. Nous voulons toujours qu'il y ait quelqu'un pour observer la situation", a déclaré Mme Kirschenbaum sur les ondes de la radio "Echo de Moscou".

Le président russe Vladimir Poutine a indiqué vendredi dernier que la Russie était prête à remplacer sur le plateau du Golan les casques bleus autrichiens sur demande de l'Onu et à condition que les pays de la région l'acceptent.

Or, le porte-parole des Nations unies Martin Nesirky a expliqué le jour même que l'accord de désengagement et le protocole signés entre la Syrie et Israël n'autorisaient pas la participation des membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité de l'Onu aux opérations onusiennes dans le Golan.

L'Autriche a récemment annoncé sa décision de retirer son contingent de casques bleus du Golan, jugeant la situation intenable. Si pendant 40 ans, cette frontière entre la Syrie et Israël a été l'une des plus calmes de la région, la zone démilitarisée est devenue aujourd'hui un terrain d'affrontement entre l'armée et les rebelles syriens.

Le retrait des soldats autrichiens porte un coup sévère à la Force des Nations unies chargée d'observer le désengagement sur le plateau du Golan (FNUOD), les 377 Autrichiens constituant plus d'un tiers du contingent. Les casques bleus japonais et croates sont déjà partis. Sans les Autrichiens, il ne restera dans le Golan qu'environ 500 soldats indiens et philippins. Les Philippines ont évoqué un possible retrait.

Aussi l'Onu doit-elle maintenant trouver des pays volontaires pour envoyer de nouveaux casques bleus dans le Golan, sans lesquels la mission ne pourra plus fonctionner.

June 10, 2013: Strategy Page

France is apparently not pleased with the performance of its locally developed Harfang UAV and is buying two American RQ-9 Reapers with the intention getting more and standardizing on this proven UAV design. Currently two Harfang UAVs are present in Mali (operating from neighboring Niger) and some American RQ-9s are helping out as well. France wants the RQ-9s as quickly as possible and apparently this sale is dependent on the U.S. being able to deliver the RQ-9s before the end of the year.

The MQ-9 Reaper is a 4.7 ton, 11.6 meters (36 foot) long aircraft with a 21.3 meters (66 foot) wingspan that looks like the MQ-1 Predator. It has six hard points and can carry 682 kg (1,500 pounds) of weapons. These include Hellfire missiles (up to eight), two Sidewinder or two AMRAAM air-to-air missiles, two Maverick missiles, or two 227 kg (500 pound) smart bombs (laser or GPS guided). Max speed is 400 kilometers an hour, and max endurance is 15 hours. The Reaper is considered a combat aircraft, to replace F-16s or A-10s in many situations.

The Harfang was based on the Israeli Heron Shoval UAV which in turn is very similar to the MQ-1 and is selling well to foreign customers who cannot obtain the MQ-1. In addition to being one of the primary UAVs for many armed forces (Israel, India, Turkey, Russia, France, Brazil, El Salvador) the United States, Canada, and Australia have either bought, leased, or licensed manufacture of the Heron. Meanwhile France has bought four Harfang ("Eagle") UAVs and used them in Afghanistan, Libya and Mali over the last four years.

The Shoval weighs about the same (1.2 tons) as the Predator and has similar endurance (40 hours). Shoval has a slightly higher ceiling (10 kilometers/30,000 feet, versus 8 kilometers) and software which allows it to automatically take off, carry out a mission, and land automatically. Not all American large UAVs can do this. Both Predator and Shoval cost about the same ($5 million), although the Israelis are willing to be more flexible on price. Shoval does have a larger wingspan (16.5 meters/51 feet) than the Predator (13.2 meters/41 feet) and a payload of about 137 kg (300 pounds). The French version costs about $25 million each (including sensors and development costs).

Israel also developed a larger version of the Heron, the 4.6 ton Heron TP. This is similar to the American RQ-9, but with a lot less combat experience, and more expensive. Some Heron TP tech was incorporated into Harfang and France was going to buy some Heron TPs, even though MQ-9s were offered for more than 20 percent less. Now France plans to switch to the RQ-9 because they are seen as more reliable and capable.

The Heron TP entered squadron service in the Israeli Air Force four years ago. The UAV's first combat service was three years ago, when it was used off the coast of Gaza, keeping an eye on ships seeking to run the blockade. For that kind of work the aircraft was well suited. But so are smaller and cheaper UAVs.

Development of the Heron TP was largely completed six years ago, mainly for the export market, and the Israeli military was in no rush to buy it. There have been some export sales and the Israeli air force eventually realized that this was an ideal UAV for long range operations or for maritime patrol. But it turned out there were few missions like that.

Equipped with a powerful (1,200 horsepower) turboprop engine, the Heron TP can operate at 14,500 meters (45,000 feet). That is above commercial air traffic and all the air-traffic-control regulations that discourage, and often forbid, UAVs fly at the same altitude as commercial aircraft. The Heron TP has a one ton payload, enabling it to carry sensors that can give a detailed view of what's on the ground, even from that high up. The endurance of 36 hours makes the Heron TP a competitor for the U.S. MQ-9. The big difference between the two is that Reaper is designed to be a combat aircraft, operating at a lower altitude, with less endurance, and able to carry a ton of smart bombs or missiles. Heron TP is meant mainly for reconnaissance and surveillance, and Israel wants to keep a closer, and more persistent, eye on Syria and southern Lebanon. But the Heron TP has since been rigged to carry a wide variety of missiles and smart bombs.

The U.S. will not provide Predators or Reapers weapons ready, forcing foreign users to develop their own equipment for arming the UAVs. France also, like other Predator and Reaper users, has to spend a lot of money to develop satellite link technology and set up a ground control facility (or pay to use the American one in the United States or, possibly, the new control center just opened in Britain)

07.06.2013 IsraelValley Desk | News

Le président russe, Vladimir Poutine, a proposé vendredi 7 juin d’envoyer une force de paix russe sur le plateau du Golan, pour remplacer la mission autrichienne de casques bleus sur le départ. “Compte tenu de la situation difficile qui se développe aujourd’hui sur le plateau du Golan, nous pourrions remplacer le contingent autrichien qui va quitter cette région”, a-t-il déclaré, mais “seulement si les puissances de la région sont intéressées, si le secrétaire général de l’ONU nous le demande”.

Le président russe a ajouté que le secrétaire général des Nations unies, Ban Ki-Moon, avait récemment demandé à Moscou d’accroître sa participation dans les opérations de maintien de la paix de l’ONU.

Le 6 juin, le conflit syrien s’est déplacé vers le Golan, dans l’ouest du pays, avec une violente confrontation entre rebelles et forces du régime à Qouneitra, seul point de passage entre la Syrie et Israël. Chassés de Qoussair par l’armée de Bachar Al-Assad, les rebelles ont pris brièvement le contrôle du passage en début de journée, avant d’en être délogés par l’armée syrienne.

Ces combats n’ont pas fait de victime dans les rangs des casques bleus présents sur le plateau, qui se sont réfugiés dans leurs bunkers. Le gouvernement autrichien a toutefois annoncé le retrait de son contingent de 378 soldats, d’ici deux à quatre semaines. Le maintien de la mission “n’est plus possible”, ont affirmé dans un communiqué Werner Faymann, chancelier, et Michael Spindelegger, vice-chancelier et ministre des affaires étrangères, ajoutant que “la sécurité de nos soldates et soldats [était] prioritaire”.

Vendredi, le porte-parole du ministère des affaires étrangères allemand, Andreas Peschke, a révélé que les Philippines réfléchissaient également à opérer un retrait de leurs forces, après celles du Canada, du Japon et de la Croatie il y a quelques mois.

La Force des Nations unies chargée d’observer le dégagement (Fnuod), dont les membres sont seulement équipés d’armes de poing défensives, est chargée depuis 1974 de faire respecter un cessez-le-feu sur le plateau du Golan, région du sud-ouest de la Syrie occupée en grande partie par Israël depuis 1967, sans reconnaissance de la communauté internationale. La décision autrichienne pourrait remettre en cause l’existence même de cette mission, qui compte au total un millier d’hommes.

Le 8 mai, après la capture puis la libération de quatre casques bleus philippins par des rebelles syriens dans le Golan, l’ONU avait déjà décidé de retirer certains de ses observateurs.

TEL AVIV, Israel, April 26 (UPI)

Israel, which has the most advanced defense industry in the Middle East, is in the forefront of the rapidly expanding drone business that's changing the way wars will be fought for decades to come.

With state-owned Israel Aircraft Industries, Elbit Systems and Aeronautics Defense Systems developing new and more agile unmanned aerial vehicles, as well as ground and seaborne drones, the Jewish state seems well-placed to corner a big slice of a market valued at around $50 billion a year.

Indeed, Israel's widely considered to be the leading UAV exporter in the world, selling units and associated technology as far afield as India, Russia, Nigeria and Mexico.

The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute said Israeli companies were behind 41 percent of all UAVs exported in 2001-11. Those Israeli exports went to 24 countries, including the United States.

That volume's expected to expand as production costs are relatively low. Israeli industry officials boast that it's significantly cheaper to buy an advanced UAV than it is to train an air force pilot.

"In recent years, there have been more pilotless sorties than piloted ones in the Israeli air force," observed Ophir Shoham, an army reserve brigadier general who heads the Defense Ministry's Research and Development division known by the Hebrew acronym Mafat.

Shoham, who's had the job for three years, is responsible for the ministry's program to develop advanced technology for rockets, missile interception, satellites and unmanned systems.

"Within a few years there will be a number of operational missions of a known character that we will be able to carry out with a small number of unmanned devices," Shoham, the little-known "backroom boffin," told the Israeli daily Haaretz in a rare interview.

"That's the direction we're taking," he said. "Robots are not about to replace combat soldiers -- that's a bit far off -- but yes, we'll operate unmanned vehicles on the ground against highly dangerous targets.

"I refer to targets in enemy territory against which we can send such vehicles remotely, as a kind of forward guard -- vehicles that both observe and shoot. We will witness this in the foreseeable future."

Israel's military has long used UAVs for intelligence-gathering operations in the fight against Palestinian militants and the Iranian-backed Hezbollah in Lebanon.

The Israelis also pioneered the use of missile-armed drones to assassinate key militant leaders.

But it was the Americans who developed UAVs like General Atomic's MQ-1 Predator as killer drones in their war against al-Qaida since the attacks on the United States Sept. 11, 2001.

The first such assassination mission was in Yemen in November 2002.

Israel's pioneering work with UAVs dates back to 1970. The first major combat role for the UAVs, namely an early variant called the Scout, was in the June 1982 Israeli invasion of Lebanon.

The Israelis used Scouts from Israel's first UAV unit, Squadron 200, as decoys to lure Syrian surface-to-air missiles sites in Lebanon, thinking the UAVs were combat aircraft, to lock on their radar systems, exposing their positions.

Israeli warplanes knocked out all 19 batteries over a two-day period, during which Israeli fighters shot down 85 Syrian aircraft for no loss.

The Scout was built by Israel Aircraft Industries, IAI's original incarnation.

In addition to exports, Israeli defense firms set up subsidiaries in consumer countries "to target markets, rather than expand local manufacturing," Israel's Haaretz daily observed in 2009.

One example is the Aerostar and Orbiter 2M aerial drones being manufactured in Azerbaijan by Azad Systems Co., a joint venture between Israel's Aeronautics and the Azeri Defense Ministry.

Oil-rich Azerbaijan, which borders Iran, has become a key Israeli ally.

"There are three explanations for Israel's success in becoming a world leader in development and production of UAVs," a senior Israeli official told The Jerusalem Post.

"We have unbelievable people and innovation, combat experience that helps us understand what we need and immediate operational use since we're always in a conflict which allows us to perfect our systems."

Shoham gets the last word. Developing the UAV, he says, "was one of Israel's best investments.

"It led to the development of a tremendous technological infrastructure in the country. It's important to us to maintain our place in the forefront of world technology.

"This is the key to development in the coming generations as well."

June 3rd, 2013 By Lexington institute - defencetalk.com

Remember the Future Combat System (FCS)? This was a complex “system-of-systems” which involved manned and unmanned ground and aerial vehicles, advanced weapons systems and sensors, some of them remotely operated and an all-encompassing command, control and communications network to hold it all together. After nearly a decade of development and the expenditure of tens of billions of dollars with virtually nothing to show for it, then-Secretary of Defense Robert Gates cancelled the program.

So how is it that the Israeli Defense Forces (IDF), operating on a tight budget and timeline, seems to have been able to do what the U.S. Army with all the technological and financial resources available to it couldn’t? Take the network, what was to be the heart of the FCS. The network was supposed to connect vehicles, aircraft, unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), robots, autonomous sensors, remote weapons and dismounted soldiers, transmitting voice, data and video effortlessly, thereby enabling commanders and headquarters to maintain a common operating picture. The Army could never get the network to work properly.

The IDF is now deploying, albeit in pieces, the essential elements of such a network. Part of this system is the Digital Ground Army (DGA), a real-time system that provides a common operating picture for all echelons. DGA generates a map, updated in real time, of all forces – friendly and hostile – in a battle arena. Various units, including aircraft and ships, can share the coordinates of the enemy – and their own location – in the course of a battle. DGA is linked to the computers of tanks and cannons, and combat vehicles. The system will work at all echelons, from the individual soldier or vehicle, up to battalion, brigade and even division commanders. Another piece of the network is called See-Shoot, which operates along Israel’s borders. See-Shoot rapidly processes and transmits data from multiple sensors to remote firing stations as well as mobile platforms such as tanks, artillery and the Tammuz precision weapon. A third element is a frequency switching radio capable of transmitting voice, data and video with encryption. Sounds pretty much like the FCS network to me.

The Tammuz is another example of a capability that FCS was supposed to produce. One focus of the FCS was an autonomous missile system, called the Non-Line-of-Sight (NLOS) Launch System, essentially a clutch of tactical missiles in a box that could be deployed anywhere on the battlefield and launched remotely. Tammuz is just such a capability: an NLOS version of the Spike anti-tank missile with a 25 km range, deployed in a canister, able to be launched remotely based on data from distributed sensors. Tammuz is now deployed along Israel’s borders with Syria and Lebanon. The IDF also has the mini-Spike electro-optic guided missile, the world’s smallest personal missile, 70 cm long, 75 mm in diameter, weighing just 4 kg and with a range of 1.5 km.

FCS planned on employing an array of advanced unmanned ground and aerial sensors and vehicles. The unattended ground sensor was one of the last bits of FCS to be cancelled. The IDF has a host of such systems, including the EyeBall, an advanced audio-visual surveillance device a little bigger than a tennis ball, the Skylark, man-portable mini UAV, the Guardium Autonomous Unmanned Ground Vehicle and the SnakeCam for investigating tunnels and caves.

Filling out the array of FCS-like systems in the IDF’s inventory is the Trophy Active Protection System for military vehicles, an extensive family of medium and large UAVs, the Iron Dome tactical missile defense system, long-range guided mortars and advanced armored fighting vehicles such as the Namer – which had been considered a possible competitor for the role of the U.S. Army’s Ground Combat Vehicle. If you go down the list of the dozen or more elements of the FCS system-of-systems, the IDF has deployed virtually all of them

Together with traditional systems such as the Merkava main battle tank, Apache attack helicopter and self-propelled artillery and rocket systems, the IDF has in the field a capability for advanced mobile, combined arms warfare that the U.S. Army can only dream about.

29/5/2013 IsraelDefense

The planes will be used for intelligence collection and air control missions

The Israeli Air Force intends to acquire two new Nahshon aircraft. The aircraft are operated by IAF Squadron 122 at Nevatim airbase, which operated the Dakota aircraft in the past before being taken out of service.

The Nahshon squadron is based on Gulfstream 550 aircraft, originally produced as jet aircraft by General Dynamics in the US. the IAF utilizes two configurations of the aircraft for different missions: the Shavit configuration is used for SIGINT collection missions and the Eitam configuration is used for air control.

The IAF intends to strengthen both layouts and acquire one new aircraft for each of the configurations. The collection and control systems onboard the aircraft are mostly produced by the Israeli defense industries.

May 29, 2013: Strategy Page

Russia is using the threat to deliver S-300 anti-aircraft missile systems (similar to the U.S. Patriot) to Syria to get the West to back away from openly supporting the Syrian rebels. This is not working, nor are any of the other Russian efforts to support the Assad government. Meanwhile, Israel is determined to prevent the S-300s from becoming operational if they do arrive. The S-300s are a threat to Israeli aircraft and Israel will continue its air raids in Syria to stop any new weapons from getting to Lebanon and Hezbollah and to halt activation of the S-300. If the S-300 did show up in Syria (or Lebanon) Israel would probably attack it right away, before these systems could become operational. If Syria wanted to get the S-300s operational quickly they would need the help of the Russians, who would probably become casualties from the Israeli air attacks. The Russians might risk it because they have seen their weapons used on the losing (Arab) side in the Middle East for over four decades. Sure would be nice to turn this around. An attempt at this would tempt Russia to introduce more than a few troops and technicians to help activate the S-300 systems. Even then, the Russians would be up against more experienced and determined troops and risking another embarrassing defeat. This game of bluff has been played out in private by Russian and Israeli diplomats for years. The three Israeli air raids on Russian weapons in Syria this year were the Israeli response to Russians flying in more missiles (anti-ship and less capable anti-aircraft systems). The Russians keep changing their minds on the S-300s, which, if operational, can detect and attack aircraft 200 kilometers away, deep inside Israel. Against this threat Israel has electronic protection on its warplanes, but these defenses are not perfect and commercial aircraft are unprotected. In short, Israel cannot afford to allow S-300s into the region, not with terrorist groups like Hezbollah or al Qaeda standing by to get their hands on these missile systems. The Russians could have delivered the S-300s three years ago, when they were ordered, but have not. The delay is all about the Russians understanding the Israeli situation and not wanting to trigger a response that would hurt Russia. The continued threats to deliver S-300s is, however, much less risky.

Russian diplomats believe they have a chance to make a deal with the rebels to keep the Assads in power. This all depends on the rebels continuing to be divided and uncooperative with each other. There are no problems with the Assads remaining united. The core Assad supporters, about a quarter of the population (Alawites, other minorities and the many families whose businesses have benefitted from Assad support for decades) stand to lose everything (or mostly everything) if the Assads are driven out. Some have accepted their fate and fled, but most are willing to fight on as long as there is a chance of victory. Russia and Iran are willing to put up a lot of money and such to help the Assads. Russia is willing to risk its diplomatic and military reputation in this effort and Iran is spending billions of dollars and ordering its Lebanese Hezbollah ally to send thousands of gunmen to help the Assads. Along with the soldiers and militias loyal to the Assads, this might be enough to defeat the various rebel factions one at a time. It is possible, but risky. So far the Assad supporters have been willing to give it a try. But if there are not some victories over the rebels in the next month or so, more Assad supporters are going to cut and run. That means you save your lives and some of your assets rather than risk getting caught in Syria by the victorious rebels and massacred. Russia is trying to arrange peace talks with the rebels, in part to see if getting the Assads out, but not the Assad supporters, is viable. This is a tricky subject to even bring up, as it means supporting a coup by some Assad supporters to remove the Assad clan from power and accept a real democracy. Some Assad supporters would support that, but many others are not sure the rebels can be trusted to not go for revenge later.

At the moment Hezbollah is heavily engaged in trying to take a border town (Qusair, 10 kilometers from the Lebanese border) from the rebels. This battle has been going on since May 18th, with the Assad forces making progress but unable to take the entire town. The rebels are bringing up reinforcements and the battle appears likely to drag on. This is not good for the Assads or Hezbollah. There are secular and Islamic radical rebels defending the town, and that means the Assad soldiers and their Hezbollah allies are facing some fanatic opponents. Thus the first lesson from this battle is that the Assad/Hezbollah alliance cannot blitz (hit hard, demoralize, and roll over) the rebels, at least if the defenders have some of these fanatics among them. Most of those involved at the moment appear to be Hezbollah and rebel, with Syrian army infantry largely withdrawn. Syrian army artillery and air power are still present, mostly killing civilians (there are over 20,000 of them still in the town). There have been several thousand casualties so far, including fifty or so Hezbollah men.

Undeterred, the Assads are reinforcing their forces in the north in order to counterattack the rebels who have taken most of Aleppo. Hezbollah is less likely to be a factor here, as the Hezbollah forces would have to travel through some rebel held territory to reach the Aleppo area. Hezbollah operations in Syria have caused a negative reaction in Lebanon, where the non-Shia majority (which tends to be anti-Syria and anti-Iran) and even some Shia groups are threatening another civil war to bring Hezbollah to heel. Anti-Hezbollah forces have been more active inside Lebanon and more violence is threatened. Since the 1980s, Hezbollah has largely used bluff and threats of another civil war to force the non-Shia (mostly Christian) majority to back down and let the Iran-backed Hezbollah have its way. Billions in Iranian aid was spent to hire a lot of Shia and improve the lives of Shia supporters. A lot of this loyalty will go away if a lot of Hezbollah fighters are killed in Syria. Most Lebanese, including a lot of Hezbollah supporters, are hostile towards Syria (which considers Lebanon part of historic “Greater Syria”) and are not comfortable about supporting any faction in the current civil war there. Whoever wins will still have a hostile attitude towards Syria.

The Syrian rebels continue to have leadership problems. The basic problem is the different goals of the nationalist and Islamic radical groups. The nationalists (political and tribal groups, along with moderate Islamic groups like the Moslem Brotherhood) want a democratic Syria while the Islamic radicals (al Qaeda and the like) want a religious dictatorship and strict lifestyle rules. This is unpopular with most Syrians, but the Islamic radical militias contain the most radical fighters. Islamic terrorist fighters are a minority among the rebels and many of them are foreigners.

Russia is trying to organize a peace conference and the rebels are having a difficult time putting together a united delegation. None of the nations supporting the rebels will tolerate (at least officially) the Islamic terrorists among the rebels, but you can’t have a true “rebel delegation” without some Islamic radical members.

May 28, 2013: The Syrian rebel leader threatened Hezbollah with more violence inside Lebanon if Hezbollah did not withdraw its forces from Syria. This is not a new threat, and Lebanese supporters of the Syrian rebels (mainly Sunnis) have been fighting Hezbollah gunmen in Lebanon for over a year. This violence has, so far, been small scale (more brawls than battles). If it escalates Hezbollah could find itself with a two front war. When 2,000 Hezbollah gunmen entered Syria earlier this month they said they were there to defend 17 villages just across the border that contained a lot of Lebanese Shia. Hezbollah has since said it is doing more than that and is at war with the Syrian rebels.

May 27, 2013: The EU (European Union) agreed to continue economic sanctions against the Assads, while dropping an arms embargo against the Syrian rebels. This move made the Assads, Russia, and Iran very mad. The EU arms embargo ends on June 1st, but the rebels are already getting a lot of weapons from their Arab supporters (the oil-rich Gulf states). What the rebels want from the EU and NATO is air support or more modern portable anti-aircraft missiles (that could bring down a lot more Assad helicopters and warplanes).

May 26, 2013: Outside the capital a car bomb went off, killing six Assad supporters.

In Lebanon two rockets hit a Hezbollah neighborhood in Beirut, the first bit of anti-Hezbollah violence there in a long time.

May 25, 2013: Iraq moved some 20,000 soldiers to the 600 kilometer long Syrian border and began attacking Sunni terrorists and blocking their movement across the border. The main objective of this operation is to halt support for Syrian rebels from Iraqi Sunni and to keep the road to Syria open for Iranian supply convoys (for Syrian government forces and pro-government militias). The Iraqi troops are attacking known Sunni terrorist and smuggler bases along the border.

In Lebanon the leader of Hezbollah made a televised speech in which he admitted that Hezbollah was at war with the Syrian rebels and would continue that fight until the rebels were defeated.

May 24, 2013: The Syrian rebels said they would attend the upcoming Russian sponsored peace conference only if the Assads agreed to quit the government at the end of the conference. The Assads have already said they would not voluntarily give up power.

In northern Lebanon (Tripoli) fighting between backers of the Syrian rebels and the Assads finally tapered off after five days. In that time at least 24 have died and over 200 were wounded. The Lebanese army has been unable to shut down all this violence, which has been going on for over a year.

May 22, 2013: The head of the Israeli Air Force openly warned that Israel could go to war over Syria on very short notice. If Israel determined that something was happening in Syria that was a serious threat to Israel (like the arrival of S-300 missile systems from Russia or more attacks across the Israeli border) Israel would respond quickly and forcefully.

May 21, 2013: In north Lebanon eleven were wounded when rockets were fired at funerals for two Hezbollah men killed in Syria.

28 May 2013 by  Arie Egozi – FG

Tel Aviv - Deliveries of the Orbiter 2 mini unmanned air system (UAS) to Finland are under way.

The Finnish defence ministry in 2012 selected the Aeronautics Defense Systems design to meet its operational needs. Its contract includes 52 systems, with each comprising four air vehicles and a ground control station.

The Orbiter 2 has a 3m (9.8ft) wingspan and a 1m long fuselage. With a 10kg (22lb) maximum take-off weight, it offers an endurance of 3.5h.

According to Dany Eshchar, Aeronautics' deputy chief executive for marketing and sales, 20 systems will be supplied by the end of the year.

The firm also reveals that Finland is showing interest in the company's larger Orbiter 3, which has an endurance of 7-8h. It is equipped with a 3kg payload, but this will soon be replaced by a more advanced cooled electro-optical/infrared sensor that will produce better quality images.

Suitable for intelligence, surveillance, target acquisition and reconnaissance duties, the Orbiter 3 is launched from a catapult and recovered using a parachute and airbag.