MOSCOW, September 5 (RIA Novosti)

Moscow and Delhi have agreed to set up a joint venture in India for manufacturing and post-sales servicing of rockets for Russian Smerch multiple rocket launchers, state-run arms exporter Rosoboronexport said on Wednesday.

The two countries signed a memorandum of cooperation on August 27, the agency said.

“Complete rocket production technology will be transferred to the joint venture,” it said.

The Smerch MLRS uses 300mm rockets with a range of 70 to 90 km with a variety of warheads

September 4, 2012 defpro.com

Border issues still remain a topic of concern in Indo-Chinese relations.

The Chinese Defence Minister, General Liang Guanglie, is on a three day visit to India as part of a three nation tour which includes Sri Lanka and Laos. This will be his last visit before he retires from the Central Military Commission at the end of this year. Earlier, in 2005, General Liang had visited India in his capacity as Chief of General Staff. The visit of a Chinese Defence minister to India after a gap of eight years is significant in many ways. Firstly, it comes at a time when defence exchanges and relations between the two nations are on an upswing, recovering from a period of turbulence in 2009-2010. Secondly, it comes at a time when the Chinese leadership is going through a period of transition and this visit would, hopefully, set the agenda and the course for future engagement with the new dispensation. And thirdly, General Liang’s visit comes at a time of changing equations with the US rebalancing towards the Indo-Pacific region and gearing up to draw down from Afghanistan. While the Chinese press has not accorded much importance to the visit with the Xinhua and Global Times issuing only a terse one line comment, the Indian press has hailed the visit and expressed keen interest in its likely outcome.

India-China defence cooperation has seen a number of positive military exchanges in the past one year. Four military delegations visited each other’s military establishments including in Tibet. A growing understanding has developed between the two navies operating in the Gulf of Aden; they have begun to combat piracy jointly by establishing an informal understanding over the timings and coordination of escort convoys. An Indian flotilla of four ships visited Shanghai en route to Japan and this was reciprocated by the visit of the PLAN training ship Zheng He to India.

The Fourth Annual Defence Dialogue (ADD) between the two countries was held in New Delhi on 9 December 2011. The Indian side was led by Defence Secretary Shashi Kant Sharma, while the Chinese side was represented by General Ma Xiaotian, Deputy Chief of General Staff, PLA. The Annual Defence Dialogue (ADD) was established under the provisions of the MoU for 'exchanges and cooperation in the field of defence', which was signed in May 2006 and has been a functional mechanism of dialogue between the two countries. The ADD is a forum to institutionalize military exchanges, delegation level visits and exercises between the two countries. Naval exercises between the two countries were held in 2003, 2005 and 2007, while Exercise Hand-in-Hand between the two armies was held in 2007 and 2008 before being abruptly stopped post China’s denial of visa to a senior Indian Army commander. While the Fourth ADD resulted in the resumption of military delegation visits, the present visit of General Liang could give the necessary push for the resumption of naval and army exercises to inspire confidence and enhance the process of dialogue and communication between the two militaries.

On the border dispute, India would like an early settlement of the issue. There has been an ongoing dialogue on this vexed issue since the historic visit of Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi to China in 1988. Although these talks have been upgraded to the Special Representatives level since Prime Minster Vajpayee’s visit to China in 2003, the settlement is still a distant call. However, increase in confidence building measures between the two militaries is underway. That no major incident has occurred along the LAC after the Somdurong Chu incident in 1986, during which India showed its resolve, will and capability to resist, is indicative of the success of these Confidence Building Measures (CBMs). In January 2012, India played host to the 15th round of China-India Special Representatives Talks on Boundary Question. At the end of the candid two day talks between State Councilor Dai Bingguo and National Security Advisor Shivshankar Menon, the two governments signed an ‘Agreement on the Establishment of a Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on India-China Border Affairs’. Soon after, in March, the first secretary level meeting of the Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on China-India Border Affairs was held in Beijing on 5-6 March 2012. This laid the mechanism for building confidence between the two militaries across the LAC and the empowered commanders in the field to resolve any misunderstanding or arrest any flare up consequent to misunderstandings due to transgressions or patrolling by the two militaries by communicating with each other on the LAC. India would like that the momentum of peace and tranquillity be carried to the next level. Maps of the disputed areas of Aksai Chin and Arunachal Pradesh need to be exchanged at an early date to carry the dialogue forward. In addition, India would like to enhance trade and commerce at the designated border check posts on the LAC and improve people to people contact to dispel fears and encourage cultural and religious exchange between the two countries.

China is a victim of terror and has been the target of terror attacks in its Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region (XUAR) Province by the East Turkmenistan Islamic Movement (ETIM), an Islamic group trained, mentored and supported by the Taliban/Al Qaeda in Pakistan and Afghanistan. The trail of recent bomb attacks and violence have led to Pakistan, causing fissures in China-Pakistan relations with reports of the Chinese leadership issuing a stern warning to their Pakistani counterparts to rein in the terrorists. This has the potential of escalation. China has deployed a large paramilitary force to control the unrest in XUAR. It would be reasonable to assume that once a Taliban government takes power in Afghanistan, it will shift its focus to spread terror in Jammu & Kashmir and XUAR. The return of a Taliban regime would be a source of insecurity to China’s borders regions especially in XUAR; the spread of terrorism and Islamisation of XUAR is something that China is unlikely to welcome. Thus, China and India can work together in the Af-Pak region. While India has already pledged $ 2 billion towards the reconstruction and development of Afghanistan, China has made a modest contribution of $200 million. The installation of a popular government in Kabul and the need for peace and stability in post 2014 Afghanistan is in the interests of India and China. China can use its good offices and leverages on Pakistan to contain the spread of terror in the region.

India would like to bring the recent developments in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir (PoK) on the table. China has been aggressively involved in a number of infrastructure related projects like power, dams and roads in the region. These projects, especially those in the Gilgit-Baltistan (GB) region, are of great concern to India on two accounts: Firstly, they vitiate the issue of Jammu & Kashmir between India and Pakistan by making China an interested party to the dispute; And secondly, the presence of Chinese paramilitaries/regular military in close vicinity of the Line of Control, deployed ostensibly for security of its assets and work force in these projects, do not inspire confidence of China's peaceful intentions in the region. Although the presence of Chinese paramilitaries/regular troops have been denied by Chinese officials and analysts during interactions and discussions, it continues to remain a matter of concern for India—even the Chief of the Indian Army stated that 4000 Chinese uniformed personnel are present in PoK.

Even Pakistani analysts and scholars have been quoted as saying that China’s intentions in PoK are not in the interest of the people of GB either. Mumtaz Khan, Director of the Toronto-based International Center of Peace and Democracy, says that “[t]he current involvement of China in Gilgit-Baltistan and Pakistan administered Kashmir consists of more than just providing military and diplomatic support to Pakistan. Soon, Pakistan will swap its role to take the backseat as China exerts itself as a major player in the Kashmir issue".[1] During a seminar organised on 31 March 2011 by the Democracy Forum in the UK House of Commons, Dr. Shabir Chaudhary said the following in his speech: “I acknowledge we have one of the best Polo grounds in Gilgit-Baltistan and people like to play and watch Polo matches, but believe me Chinese are not there to play Polo game. Their game is very dangerous and needs to be understood”. And he added: “They (the people of Gilgit- Baltistan) were treated like colonised people; and their resources were looted and plundered; and in this regard government of China is also helping Government of Pakistan and their proxies are trying to make China a part of the Kashmir Dispute. To me and my colleagues this is very dangerous move and could endanger peace and stability of Gilgit-Baltistan and South Asia”.[2] According to Dr. Rashid Ahmad Khan, Dean, Faculty of Arts, Social Sciences and Law, University of Sargodha-Pakistan, Chinese companies are currently working on 250 projects in Pakistan as of 2011.[3] Of these, at least 17 projects involving about 122 Chinese companies are in Gilgit Baltistan alone. During the recent visit of Chinese Premier Wen Jiabao to Pakistan, he was accompanied by 260 Chinese business executives and deals deals worth $35 billion were reportedly signed.[4] The widening of the Karakoram Highway into an all weather road and the recent report that China is proposing to build a railway line through the Kunjerab Pass to connect to the Pakistani city of Havelian only exacerbate India's security concerns. In 2001, China had moved M-11 Silkworm missiles to Pakistan along the Karakoram Highway. India would like to seek assurances of China’s commercial interests in PoK and a commitment of non-interference in the issue of Jammu & Kashmir.

The feverish pitch with which China is developing relations with Nepal and Bhutan is also a source of concern to India. China’s concerns about sealing and controlling trans-border migration along its borders with Nepal are well understood. India also welcomes the development of trade and commerce between the two countries. China has provided Nepal with Nepal Rupees (NR) Rs. 1.42 billion (US $19.8 million) in military aid. Two agreements to this effect were signed by Nepal Army chief General Chatraman Singh Gurung and visiting Chinese Army chief General Chen Bingde in March 2011. China had earlier provided $5.6 million aid for procurement of non-lethal military aid and communication equipment. The latest Chinese largesse will include heavy construction vehicles, medical equipment to the Nepalese Army, a military hospital in Kathmandu and logistics for rescue operations. In January 2012, Premier Wen Jiabao paid a 5 hour visit to Nepal and offered a bonanza of $140 million for infrastructure development as well as support for the early settlement of the peace process and modernisation of the Nepal Police. On its part, India would like China to appreciate its sensitivities vis-à-vis Nepal with which it shares an unarmed open border. The Indian Army shares a very close and historic relationship with the Nepalese Army and a large number of Nepalese nationals are enrolled in various arms and services of the Indian Army. India would not like any misunderstanding in this traditional relationship. India would also seek China’s cooperation in bringing about a peaceful settlement to the impasse in Nepal’s political system. Being Nepal’s neighbours, both India and China have a stake in ensuring harmony, peace and stability in that country.

India is appreciative of the development of relations between the fledging democratic government of Bhutan and China. The 20th round of Border Talks between China and Bhutan concluded last month in Bhutan on a positive note. China is seeking to establish diplomatic relations with Bhutan. India’s security concerns on the border issue between China and Bhutan relate to the sensitive Chumbi Valley region at the trijunction of India-Bhutan-China. China’s claims to this sensitive region would increase the vulnerability of India’s narrow ‘chicken neck’ area, which is a vital communication link to its North Eastern states. Any settlement of the Bhutan-China border would need to take India’s sensitivities into consideration.

General Liang and his 23 member delegation are scheduled to meet his Indian counterpart on the last day of the visit. The Indian Defence Minister could do the following:

• Use the opportunity to increase confidence building measures and improve the atmospherics between the militaries of the two countries.
• Initiate a strategic dialogue in the context of imminent changes in the geo-political environment in Afghanistan and Asia-Pacific region. This meeting could be the precursor of a lasting India-China Strategic Dialogue (ICSD) on military and strategic issues.
• While it is understandable that differences cannot be resolved overnight, the importance of continued engagement and considerations of India’s security concerns on issues of PoK, its Himalayan neighbourhood and the border issue can be reiterated.

It is hoped that the meeting results in a better understanding of each other’s concerns on a myriad of defence related issues. The fact that the Chinese leadership is under transition does not suggest that there are likely to be major changes in policy with the ushering in of a new political dispensation. The Chinese policy of ‘going by the script’ and adhering to the adage of avoiding ‘rocking the boat’ is well documented. Towards that end, this visit could see the emergence of a fresh agenda in military cooperation, one which can set the course for a more meaningful and positive interaction between the two militaries in the future.


----
By Mandip Singh
Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA)

____
NOTES:
[1] Kristiina Ojuland, MEP, ‘The dangerous presence of Chinese troops in Gilgit-Baltistan’, 21 February 2012, available at http://www.neurope.eu/blog/dangerous-presence-chinese-troops-gilgit-baltistan
[2] Dr. Shabir Choudhry, ‘Gilgit Baltistan A Battleground For A Future War’, Speech at a Seminar held in the UK House of Commons organised by The Democracy Forum on 31 March 2011, Countercurrents.org, 1 April 2011, available at http://www.countercurrents.org/choudhry010411.htm
[3] Dr. Rashid Ahmad Khan, ‘The Pakistan-China Strategic partnership’, 20 May 2011, available at http://www.china.org.cn/opinion/2011-05/20/content_22605398_2.htm
[4] Ibid.

NEW DELHI, 28 août - RIA Novosti

La Russie et l'Inde ont signé un accord-cadre portant sur la création d'une société mixte de production de munitions modernes russes destinées à l'armée indienne, a annoncé mardi à RIA Novosti une source haut placée au sein du ministère indien de la Défense.

Selon la source, l'Inde entend lancer la production de munitions mises au point par les Russes, dont celles destinées aux systèmes lance-roquettes multiples.

Le document a été signé lundi soir lors d'une réunion du groupe de travail russo-indien chargé de la production militaire.

Sep. 3, 2012 - By NIGEL PITTAWAY Defense News

MELBOURNE, Australia — The Royal Australian Air Force would become the only non-U.S. operator of the Growler electronic attack aircraft in the Asia-Pacific region under plans to convert 12 F/A-18F Super Hornets to the EA-18G configuration, greatly boosting its air combat capability.

Defence Minister Stephen Smith and Minister for Defence Materiel Jason Clare jointly announced the plan — which will cost 1.5 billion Australian dollars ($1.6 billion), including conversion kits, support equipment, spares and training — on Aug. 23 The funds will come from money allocated in the current Defence Capability Plan.

Twelve of Australia’s 24 Super Hornets were prewired for possible conversion to Growler, which added $35 million to the initial $6 billion acquisition cost. The government has also recently spent a further $20 million on long-lead equipment, taking advantage of final U.S. Navy orders for Growler-specific items.

According to Clare, the U.S. experience of combining Growler capability with fifth-generation fighters such as the F-22 Raptor is one reason for the Growler decision.

“Having that extra level of capability will provide extra support, not just for the Joint Strike Fighters that we acquire, but Growler will add that extra level of capability to support all our air, land and naval assets, as well,” he said. “The ability of Growler to work well with the JSF is something that we’ll see proven as the latter comes online later this decade.”

Australia has a requirement for up to 100 F-35As, and although it has committed to an initial batch of 14, it has so far ordered only two aircraft. The remaining 12 have been deferred by up to two years, and the timing and quantities of further orders will depend on the outcome of a review into the Australian JSF program. The results of this review are due to be announced this year.

In the meantime, the Air Force is working to assure no fighter capability gap exists between the retirement of its F/A-18A/B fleet and the arrival of the F-35A.

The Super Hornets were ordered in 2007 to bridge an earlier perceived capability gap, and the timing of the Growler induction may take the delays in the JSF program into account.

Air Vice Marshal Kym Osley, head of the New Air Combat Capability program for Australia’s Defence Materiel Organisation, said six Growlers will be converted initially and a further six in the future.

“The Growler purchase does not affect JSF numbers; the electronic attack capability is a different capability but is complementary to air combat,” he said. “The F-35A is an air combat asset, and we need a certain amount of air combat assets to meet our geostrategic requirements.”

The government was considering options to avoid a capability gap, Osley said.

“We’re doing an exhaustive analysis as we speak. We’ve looked at the schedule in great detail, in terms of costs and capability, and we’re doing that for all options,” he explained. “The minister has mentioned in the past that the more likely option will be to extend the life of the classic Hornet to dovetail with F-35A introduction. One other option is the purchase of additional Super Hornets.”

The recommendations will be placed before the government in the near future.

“The minister will decide later this year, and ultimately, the decision on the next tranche of F-35As will be taken either next year or the year after,” he said.

In other news, Australian industry has delivered the first parts for the first Air Force F-35A, AU-1, to Lockheed Martin.

At a ceremony at the Lovitt Technologies facility here Aug. 24, the company presented the first machined components to be used in the assembly of AU-1 to Lockheed Martin GM/EVP F-35 program manager Tom Burbage.

“It’s a really important day for Australia, the first part for the first Australian Joint Strike Fighter, and it’s a demonstration of the capability of Australian manufacturing,” Clare said at the event. “We are now taking the next big step, and that’s not making aircraft parts for American F-35s or those from other countries; we’re starting to make parts for our own fighter aircraft. This component leaves as a part but will come back as one of the most advanced fighter planes in the world and one which will be the spearhead, protecting Australia for many years to come.”

AU-1 is part of low-rate initial production Lot 6 and is due to be rolled out in mid-2014. It and the second aircraft will go to Luke Air Force Base, Ariz., in 2015 to help train the first Australian pilots and ground crew. They will arrive in Australia with the other 12 aircraft of the first tranche later in the decade.

September 5, 2012 defense-unmanned.com

(Source: ABC News; issued September 4, 2012)

The Australian Defence Force is quietly resurrecting plans to buy seven huge intelligence and surveillance drones that could cost up to $3 billion. The unmanned aerial vehicles will be used for maritime surveillance and intercepting asylum seeker boats.

The decision comes despite claims that the Royal Australian Air Force's top commanders have long opposed the acquisition of unmanned aerial vehicles because they will put pilots out of a job and threaten RAAF culture.

The $200 million Northrop Grumman RQ-4 Global Hawk reconnaissance drone is the largest, most expensive unmanned aerial vehicle in the world today.

Its vast wingspan of 39.8 metres can lift the craft to 65,000 feet and stay airborne for 35 hours with a non-stop range of 16,000 kilometres – eclipsing the endurance of similar manned aircraft.

In 2004, the Howard government was so impressed with Global Hawk that plans were announced to buy a fleet of 12 of the spy drones for $1 billion.

But in 2009 the acquisition was cancelled by Labor's Joel Fitzgibbon, who was defence minister at the time.

In May 2010, Opposition Leader Tony Abbott announced a Coalition government would buy three Global Hawks.

Despite this erratic political flight path, the idea of Australian Global Hawks remained in bureaucratic mothballs until July this year, when the latest Defence Capability Plan was quietly released.

Buried in the document were plans to bring forward by three years the acquisition of "high altitude, long endurance" unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs).

The RAAF now wants seven large UAVs flying by 2019. The favoured option is a new, maritime surveillance version of the Global Hawk - the MQ-4C Triton. The estimated cost of the project is between $2 billion and $3 billion.

Triton had a shaky take-off in June 2012, when a demonstration version of the maritime drone crashed just three days before the official unveiling ceremony at Northrop Grumman's Californian factory.

A company spokesman insists the demonstrator that went down was an old, worn-out Global Hawk, bearing little resemblance to the new, improved Triton.

When it takes to the skies for the first time later this year, Triton will appear to be a slightly larger version of its cousin, Global Hawk.

However, leading American intelligence analyst and author Matthew Aid says they are two very different drones.

"Global Hawk was designed for pin-point imagery or eavesdropping on land targets, by over flight, or by flying obliquely up to 450 kilometres off an enemy’s coastline," he said.

"Triton was designed for broad area maritime surveillance – following ships from high altitude."

The US Navy expects to start flying the first of 68 Tritons on order by 2015.

Some will be based on the US territory of Guam to cover the Asia-Pacific region, while another detachment will fly out of Diego Garcia to monitor the Indian Ocean.

In March, the Washington Post reported
that the US is also considering basing Global Hawk/Triton on Australia's Cocos Islands.


The US Navy claims a single Triton 24-hour surveillance mission can cover nearly 7 million square kilometres of ocean – identifying every vessel in one vast sweep of the ocean.

But Mr Aid remains unimpressed. "Triton does not have anywhere near the range or payload capability of the Global Hawk, and from what I can gather its imaging sensors are nowhere near as good," he said.

The Royal Australian Air Force now wants Triton to support a new generation of manned maritime patrol aircraft, the P-8A, which looks like a converted 737 airliner.

Together, these two systems will replace the RAAF's aging fleet of P-3 Orions that have spent decades patrolling the vast expanse of ocean surrounding Australia - about 20 per cent of the world's sea surface.

Capable of being armed with both missiles and torpedos, the 8 P8 Poseidons already on order will also be capable of anti-submarine warfare.

But is Global Hawk/Triton worth the hefty price tag of at least $200 million each?

Andrew Davies of the Canberra-based Australian Strategic Policy Institute is not so sure.

"That's still a question to be answered. It can fly high and fast, but is really expensive. Each UAV plus ground support systems costs about $200 million each - you can buy a P8 for that," he said.

"So they’re not cheap. The question is can you do the job with a cheaper UAV?

"The Mariner is the maritime version of the Reaper (flown in Afghanistan and Pakistan). It flies slower and lower which can be a good thing as it can drop down and take a closer look at asylum boats for instance, with decks covered by tarps.

"The Mariner is much cheaper, priced in the tens of millions."

In 2006 the Mariner was put through its paces in a trial off Australia's North West Shelf. Mariner supporters say it offers 80 per cent of the capability of a Triton for one-tenth of the cost.

That is a powerful argument in Canberra these days, where the Defence budget has just been slashed by $5.5 billion.

Unlike the high flying unarmed Triton, the Mariner is also designed to carry missiles.

Mr Davies says low cost and an armed capability will be a big plus when flying into regional uncertainty. "It's about the Indian Ocean and securing our sea lanes," he said.

"In the Indian Ocean we see growing competition between the navies of China, India and the US. US attention is now pivoting towards this part of the world."

Other experts argue there is a far more urgent, humanitarian task to perform – border protection.

Kym Bergmann, the editor of Asia Pacific Defence Reporter and a former defence industry executive who worked on UAV projects, says Global Hawk should have been in Australian service years ago.

He claims this did not happen because RAAF pilots feared UAVs would threaten their jobs and traditions.

"Early in 2008 the new Labor [Defence] Minister [Joel Fitzgibbon] had some sort of brain snap and made a very dramatic announcement to the effect that the acquisition of Global Hawk was going to be deferred for a decade," he said.

"At the time as a relatively inexperienced minister, he was stampeded by some of the advice that was coming from the Air Force in particular.

"It was because [the RAAF] really preferred the idea of having a manned aircraft. It's because a manned aircraft is flown by guys with moustaches and flying allowances, rather than being operated by hyper intelligent nerds sitting in front of computer terminals, which is essentially how you operate a Global Hawk."

Mr Bergmann claims the RAAF senior commanders dropped their opposition to Global Hawk/Triton only after they were promised the P8 planes that still need pilots to fly them.

"It's been quite a dramatic conversion. They’ve now become enthusiasts for the technology, when in fact for the previous decade they'd done everything that they could to resist it," he said.

He says Australia urgently needs a maritime UAV capability and that Global Hawk/Triton is the drone for the job.

"It's highly likely that we're going to see more asylum seekers coming to Australia, there's going to be the possibility of increased transnational crime, there's going to be the possibility of increased illegal activities," he said.

"The high-resolution cameras and synthetic aperture radars mean that from an altitude of 60,000 feet at a distance of several hundred kilometres, you can use both your radar and your camera to give you crystal clear imagery right down to very, very small boats.
"You can really get down to rowing boat sizes. The quality of the imagery is quite phenomenal."

A growing number of younger RAAF officers now enthusiastically endorse a rapid expansion of the drone fleet. Since 2009 the Air Force has been flying leased, Israeli-owned Heron surveillance drones in support of Australian troops in Afghanistan.

Displaying the zeal of a convert, Wing Commander Jonathan McMullan, an RAAF pilot-turned-drone commander, recently returned from Afghanistan, declared: "The capability? It's like crack cocaine, a drug for our guys involved."

Rise of civilian drones

Tonight on ABC1, “Foreign Correspondent” sounds the alarm on the swarms of private and government drones gathering in American skies and surely bound for the rest of the world.

Some of the drones have live streaming cameras and the ability to carry other payloads, and tens of thousands of them are expected to take to the sky.

But who's at the controls? Potentially, anybody.

04.09.2012 leParisien.fr

L'Inde et la Chine, les deux grands pays émergents d'Asie aux relations souvent tendues, vont reprendre leurs manoeuvres militaires conjointes, après une interruption de quatre années, a annoncé mardi le ministre indien de la Défense A. K. Antony.

L'Inde et la Chine, les deux grands pays émergents d'Asie aux relations souvent tendues, vont reprendre leurs manoeuvres militaires conjointes, après une interruption de quatre années, a annoncé mardi le ministre indien de la Défense A. K. Antony.

"Nous avons décidé" cette mesure, a déclaré le ministre indien, après des discussions avec le général Liang Guanglie, premier ministre chinois de la Défense à se rendre en Inde depuis huit ans.

"Nous sommes parvenus à un consensus sur des visites à haut niveau, des échanges de personnels, la sécurité maritime (...) et la coopération entre les deux Marines", a déclaré pour sa part le ministre chinois.

Les deux ministres de la Défense ont également décidé d'améliorer la coopération pour lutter contre la piraterie dans le golfe d'Aden et au large de la Somalie, a précisé un porte-parole indien.

Les deux pays ont souvent eu des relations tendues, en raison de disputes sur le tracé de la frontière. Ils avaient cessé leurs exercices militaires conjoints en 2008.

"Nous avons beaucoup discuté de la situation en Asie du Sud, dans la région Asie-Pacifique, nous avons abordé beaucoup de sujets", a déclaré le ministre indien. "Nous avons eu une conversation franche sur tous les sujets (...) y compris les questions frontalières", a-t-il ajouté.

Les deux pays s'étaient livrés une guerre brève mais meurtrière en 1962 à propos de l'Etat indien du nord-est, l'Arunachal Pradesh. Depuis, les deux pays ont tenu 14 réunions sur le sujet, sans jamais parvenir à un accord.

Le renforcement de l'infrastructure militaire de la Chine tout au long de sa frontière avec l'Inde est mal perçu par New Delhi, qui tend de plus en plus à considérer Pékin comme sa plus grande menace, plus que le Pakistan, l'ennemi héréditaire.

"Les efforts de l'armée chinoise en vue d'échanges amicaux et de coopération (...) entre les nations d'Asie du Sud ont pour objectif de maintenir la sécurité religieuse et la stabilité, et ne visent pas une tierce partie", a assuré mardi le général chinois.

Le premier exercice militaire conjoint entre l'Inde et la Chine avait eu lieu à Kunming (Chine) en 2007, et le deuxième à Belgaum (Inde) un an plus tard.

Une troisième session, prévue pour se dérouler en Chine, avait été repoussée après une dégradation des relations entre les deux pays, causée notamment par le refus de la Chine d'accorder un visa à un officier militaire indien basé au Cachemire, une des régions disputées.

2012-09-04 xinhua

La sixième consultation sur la défense et la sécurité entre les ministres chinois et vietnamien de la Défense s'est tenue  lundi sous la coprésidence de Ma Xiaotian (à gauche), directeur adjoint de l'état-major de l'Armée populaire de libération de Chine, et du vice-ministre vietnamien de la Défense, Nguyen Chi Vinh.

La sixième consultation sur la défense et la sécurité entre les ministres chinois et vietnamien de la Défense s'est tenue lundi sous la coprésidence de Ma Xiaotian, directeur adjoint de l'état-major de l'Armée populaire de libération de Chine, et du vice-ministre vietnamien de la Défense, Nguyen Chi Vinh.

Au cours de cette réunion, les deux parties ont échangé leurs points de vue sur les relations bilatérales entre les deux pays et les deux armées, ainsi que sur la situation sécuritaire dans la région, entre autres.

Les deux hommes ont salué le mécanisme bilatéral de consultation en matière de défense et de sécurité, qui sert de plateforme pour promouvoir le développement des relations bilatérales entre les deux pays et les deux armées, renforcer la communication stratégique et la confiance mutuelle, et gérer comme il faut les différends.

Pour les deux parties, les relations militaires sino- vietnamiennes sont une partie importante du partenariat de coopération stratégique des deux pays. Les deux armées doivent faire des efforts pour accroître le consensus, résoudre les conflits et approfondir l'amitié entre la Chine et le Vietnam, maintenir la paix régionale, la sécurité et la stabilité.

Au cours de la réunion, les deux parties ont accepté de continuer de maintenir les visites de haut-niveau, de renforcer le dialogue et les consultations, de promouvoir la coopération dans les domaines de la formation personnelle, des échanges aux frontières, de la marine et de la sécurité multilatérale.

A Chinese army amphibious armored vehicle hits the

beach during major amphibious warfare exercises held

in id-August. (PRC MoD photo)

Sept. 3, 2012 defense-aerospace.com

(Source: PLA Daily; published Aug. 31, 2012)

Amphibious Combat Equipment of PLA Army Reaches World Advanced Level

After long-distance maneuvering, hundreds of combat vehicles of an amphibious mechanized division under the Nanjing Military Area Command (MAC) of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) reached a beach for maritime assault training in mid-August 2012.

The PLA started to organize and establish its new-type amphibious mechanized troops in 1999. The division has had two equipment renewals within 10 years. Its new-type amphibious combat vehicle equipped with domestically made top-notch information-based weapons including anti-tank guided-missile system, fire-control computer and laser rangefinder is superior in land and sea maneuvering performance and strong in firepower, possessing strong comprehensive protection capability and high information-based level. Its deployment marks that the amphibious combat equipment of the PLA army has reached world advanced level.

Currently, the officers and men of an amphibious mechanized division can drive the amphibious assault combat vehicles for limit training of maritime, super-long-distance and direct-sailing attack in organic troop units. The newly-equipped amphibious self-propelled howitzers are also incorporated into the echelon for landing drill so as to provide strong fire cover.

In autumn of 2009, the PLA three services conducted a joint combat drill. During the drill, an amphibious mechanized division successfully established a command information system for the first time which connected various campaign and tactical levels of the troop units of the three services participating in the drill, organized and accomplished combat operations including joint fire strike, joint maritime defense, ground-air electronic confrontation and multi-directional three-dimensional breakthrough, marking the transformation of the PLA army’s amphibious operation from the single-arm operation to the joint operation of the three services based on information system.

31.08.2012 Vivek Kapur - Pacific Sentinel

23 août 2012 Par Hassan Meddah – USINE NOUVELLE

Du fait de la complexité technologique de l'avion de chasse, la majorité de la charge de travail liée à à la production des 126 avions de chasse pour l'Inde devrait être assurée par des entreprises françaises.

Les négociations continuent d'aller bon train entre les équipes de Dassault Aviation et celles du ministère de la défense indien pour aboutir à un contrat. Les deux partenaires n'ont toutefois pas encore converti en contrat commercial la sélection du Rafale et de l'avionneur français intervenue en février comme partenaire exclusif pour l'acquisition de 126 avions de chasse. Chez Dassault Aviation, on se veut rassurant sur l'avancée des négociations, soulignant la complexité technique, commerciale, juridique de ce type de négociations.

Par ailleurs, peu de choses filtrent sur le partage industriel entre les deux pays. Seule certitude: 18 appareils seront assemblés dans l'usine de Dassault à Mérignac en Gironde et les 108 autres en Inde. Toutefois, des sources françaises précisent que le partage du travail resterait très en faveur des entreprises françaises, estimant même qu'elles allaient conserver largement plus de 50% de la production associée sur les premières années du futur contrat. Et non sur l'ensemble du partenariat, comme il avait été précédemment écrit dans cet article.

Ce serait une bonne nouvelle pour la supply chain du Rafale très franco-française: l'avionneur fait en effet quasi exclusivement appel à des sociétés hexagonales pour la production de son avion de combat. Au total, 500 entreprises du pays y participent mobilisant environ 7000 emplois.

L'obstacle de la complexité technologique

Plusieurs facteurs pourraient expliquer ce partage favorable aux industriels français alors que l'appel d'offres d'origine établi par New-Delhi prévoyait des compensations industrielles s'établissant à 50% de la valeur du contrat ainsi que des transferts technologiques. Primo, comme pour les avions commerciaux du type Boeing ou Airbus, l'assemblage d'un avion de combat ne constitue qu'une fraction assez modeste de la valeur ajoutée de l'appareil, de l'ordre de 15% selon certains experts.

Secundo les entreprises indiennes sont loin de maitriser la complexité technologique pour produire les équipements électroniques du Rafale. Leur contribution pourrait donc être assez limitée au départ, et s'organiser autour d'éléments du fuselage, de la voilure, de la verrière... D'autant plus que les transferts de technologies seront progressifs. Plutôt qu'un accord global concernant tout l'appareil, la coopération passera par la signature de multiples accords de licence pour chacun des équipements de l'avion. Quant à produire des sous-ensembles critiques de l'appareil comme le radar à antennes actives de l'électronicien Thales, la maîtrise de telles capacités apparaît lointaine.

Tertio, en s'associant avec la France et son avionneur militaire, l'Etat indien chercherait à bénéficier d'une expertise pour réorganiser son industrie aéronautique militaire.

Les points de discussion entre les partenaires indiens et français ne manquent donc pas. De quoi augurer encore de long mois de négociations avant de signer le contrat final.

27 August 2012 by defenceWeb (Reuters)

President Barack Obama's administration has proposed to sell air-to-surface guided missiles and related gear to equip Indonesia's growing fleet of U.S.-built F-16 fighter aircraft.

The sale, valued at $25 million, would be the latest U.S. move to boost security ties with friends and allies in a region stirred by China's growing military clout and territorial assertiveness.

Indonesia has requested 18 AGM-65K2 "Maverick All-Up-Round" missiles, 36 "captive air training missiles" and three maintenance training missiles, plus spares, test equipment and personnel training, the administration told the U.S. Congress in a notice dated Wednesday, Reuters reports.

The AGM-65 Maverick, built by Raytheon Co, is designed to attack a wide range of tactical targets, including armor, air defenses, ships, ground transportation and fuel storage facilities.

"The Indonesian Air Force needs these missiles to train its F-16 pilots in basic air-to-ground weapons employment," the Pentagon's Defense Security Cooperation Agency said in the notice to lawmakers.

The arms sale would contribute to making Indonesia "a more valuable regional partner in an important area of the world," the security agency added.

Such notices of a proposed sale are required by law and do not mean the sale has been concluded.

GIVING F-16s

The United States is giving, not selling, Jakarta two dozen second-hand F-16C/D fighter planes to strengthen bilateral ties and foster what the Pentagon has called a "much-needed" capability to protect Indonesian air space.

Obama and President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono of Indonesia announced the F-16 transfer near the end of a nine-day Asia-Pacific tour that Obama used in November to re-emphasize U.S. interests in the region.

The F-16s are decommissioned and no longer part of the U.S. Air Force inventory. Once retooled and upgraded, they will boost Indonesia's "interoperability" with the United States, the Defense Department said at the time.

Interoperability is the extent to which military forces can work with each other to achieve a common goal. The refurbished aircraft add to Indonesia's existing fleet of 10 earlier-model F-16s.

The quantities of missiles being sought by Indonesia would support both the existing fleet and the 24 being provided as U.S. surplus, the notice to Congress said.

Jakarta is paying up to $750 million to upgrade the second-hand Lockheed Martin Corp fighters and overhaul their United Technologies Corp's Pratt & Whitney-built engines.

Indonesia, the largest country in Southeast Asia and the world's most populous Muslim-majority nation, is only one part of the growing U.S. emphasis on the Asia-Pacific region for national-security planning.

The United States also is building Guam as a strategic hub, deploying up to four shore-hugging littoral combat ships on a rotational basis to Singapore and preparing what is to be a 2,500-strong Marine Corps task force rotation as part of a tightening military partnership with Australia.

August 15, 2012 China Military News

2012-08-15 — It is reported that Taiwan has more than halved the number of F-16 fighter planes it requests from the United States government, from sixty-six down to twenty-four.

The China Times based in Taipei quotes a supposedly authoritative military source on the matter. That source, in citing budgetary concerns as the primary reason for the reduced order, indicates that the combined cost of indigenous defense programs and other international purchases would not leave sufficient funds over the course of near term fiscal periods to accommodate a large purchase.

While the Taiwanese Government has denied the report, other news outlets, citing multiple sources, have picked up on the news. In many ways, a reduction in F-16 purchases does make sense.

The continued Taiwanese drive to purchase the F-16C/D, an advanced and upgraded variant of the F-16A/B multirole attack fighter aircraft that is already flown by the island nation’s air force, comes at the end of a fiscal year that has seen extensive investment in defense infrastructure. This year alone, Taiwan has made progress with a variety of small to medium tonnage shipbuilding programs; has made procurements aimed at fortifying the capabilities of the country’s amphibious and coastal defense forces and has agreed to fund a massive $5.85 billion program purchase to have American contractors and military organizations upgrade all 146 places in the F-16A/B fleet.

That upgrade venture in itself is likely a major cause of any reticence on the part of the government of Taiwan to backtrack on the standing request for new model fighters.

The package, agreed in July, includes the installation of new components and the modernization of various parts of the legacy fighters’ airframes. Radar systems will be upgraded, something that is particularly useful for Taiwanese jets that are constantly tasked with monitoring the contested airspace between the island and mainland China, and overall performance will be improved so as to allow the Taiwanese air force to balance capabilities against those of China’s.

Taiwan does have massive incentives to continue with the purchase of at least some new model planes. On the one hand, no upgrade package for the existing F-16A/B fleet can compensate for the loss of operability that will inevitably come from Taiwan retiring its respective fleets of Mirage 2000 and F-5E fighters. Those planes will almost all need replacing by the end of this decade. On the other, new ventures, even if they are costly, will continue to breathe life into the island’s indigenous defense industry in the form of new investment and exposure to modern avionics and weapons technologies.

Two dozen newer model F-16s allow Taiwan to address both of these points in a way that enables the country’s defense forces to prepare for the future. Flying a variety of F-16C/Ds will allow Taipei to begin retirement of legacy aircraft and still give the military a parity of sorts with craft like the Chinese J-10 and J-11 fighters.

More importantly, the operation of new planes alongside the joint upgrade venture, a process being managed by Lockheed Martin and Taiwan’s Aerospace Industrial Development Corporation, gives domestic defense contractors insight into the technologies used in modern combat platforms. Both factors will undoubtedly lead to a more robust Taiwanese capability to provide for security without reliance on international assistance.

And so, for a variety of reasons, pursuing a reduced number of advanced fighters in addition to upgrading the existing fleet makes substantive sense. Beyond merely being a politically feasible trade in the context of Sino-American relations, it allows Taiwan to balance budgetary outlays, maintain the competitiveness of its aging air force and, above all else, provides the defense establishment with the near term investment in experience and infrastructure that can continue to give the military modernization options in the future.