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19 février 2013 2 19 /02 /février /2013 13:35

cyber warfare

 

19 février 2013 Guysen International News

 

Une unité secrète de l'armée chinoise est soupçonnée d'être à l'origine de multiples opérations de piratage informatique qui ont notamment visé les Etats-Unis, écrit la société de sécurité informatique américaine Mandiant. Mandiant estime dans un rapport publié lundi aux Etats-Unis que l'unité 61398 de l'Armée populaire de Chine, basée à Shanghai, s'est rendue coupable dès 2006 du vol de "centaines de teraoctets de données auprès d'au moins 141 sociétés dans différents secteurs".

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19 février 2013 2 19 /02 /février /2013 10:45

zone action-1024x716

 

19 février 2013 Romandie.com (AFP)

 

BAMAKO - Les Etats-Unis vont probablement jouer un rôle militaire plus actif au Mali, où l'armée française combat les groupes islamistes armés, mais seulement après la tenue d'élections dans ce pays, a déclaré lundi à Bamako Chris Coons, un sénateur américain.

 

Les Etats-Unis ont fourni à la France, engagée militairement au Mali depuis le 11 janvier, un soutien en matière de renseignement, ainsi que des moyens aériens, vols d'avions de transport C-17 et missions de ravitaillement en vol.

 

Mais ils ne peuvent pas coopérer directement avec l'armée malienne tant qu'un gouvernement démocratiquement élu n'aura pas remplacé les dirigeants actuels, qui ont accédé au pouvoir à la suite d'un coup d'Etat, a souligné M. Coons, président de la sous-commission des Affaires étrangères du Sénat pour l'Afrique.

 

On peut espérer une aide supplémentaire des Etats-Unis dans cette région et d'autres, mais (...) la loi américaine interdit une assistance directe à l'armée malienne après le putsch, a déclaré le sénateur à la presse à Bamako.

 

Après une pleine restauration de la démocratie, il me semble probable que nous reprendrons notre aide directe à l'armée malienne, a ajouté le sénateur.

 

M. Coons se trouve au Mali à la tête d'une délégation du Congrès américain composée de Républicains et de Démocrates pour rencontrer le président intérimaire Dioncounda Traoré et des responsables militaires français et africains.

 

Avant le coup d'Etat militaire de mars 2012, l'aide américaine consistait principalement en des missions d'entrainement et la fourniture de matériel comme des véhicules.

 

L'assistance militaire reprendrait évidemment d'une manière appropriée aux besoins actuels. Les priorités auront beaucoup changé, a relevé le sénateur.

 

La perspective d'une aide militaire américaine accrue après les élections complique encore plus la donne pour ce qui concerne la fixation d'une date.

 

Le président Traore avait indiqué qu'il espérait pourvoir organiser des élections d'ici le 31 juillet, mais cette date a été jugée prématurée par certains, compte tenu des problèmes auxquels est confronté le Mali: poursuite des attaques des insurgés, armée profondément divisée, des centaines de milliers de déplacés.

 

Le ministre malien de l'Administration territoriale (Intérieur) Moussa Sinko Coulibaly, chargé des élections, a indiqué vendredi que le délai de juillet peut être révisé si nécessaire.

 

La France est intervenue militairement au Mali le 11 janvier face à l'avancée vers Bamako des insurgés islamistes qui occupaient le nord depuis dix mois. Elle est le seul pays occidental à avoir engagé des troupes au sol au Mali. Des forces ouest-africaines - la force internationale de soutien au Mali (Misma) - ainsi que des forces tchadiennes devraient prendre le relais avec le déploiement progressif de 6.000 hommes.

 

Le putsch militaire et le trouble qui s'en était suivi avait facilité la chute du Nord du Mali aux mains des groupes islamistes.

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19 février 2013 2 19 /02 /février /2013 09:30

Europe Flag

 

19 février 2013 Par Perrine Mouterde - RFI

 

L'embargo européen sur les armes à destination de la Syrie est prolongé, mais assoupli. La décision a été adoptée lundi 18 février lors d'une réunion des ministres des Affaires étrangères de l’Union européenne à Bruxelles. Divisés sur la question de la livraison d'armes à l'opposition syrienne, les Vingt-Sept sont parvenus à s'entendre sur une option de compromis.

 

Les Européens devaient absolument s’entendre avant que le paquet de sanctions à l’encontre de la Syrie n’arrive à échéance à la fin du mois. Ils ont décidé, sans surprise et à l’unanimité des Vingt-Sept, de le reconduire pour trois mois.

 

Depuis mai 2001, l’Union européenne a adopté 19 trains de sanctions. Parmi ces mesures, l’interdiction d’importer du pétrole syrien, le gel des avoirs de certaines personnalités syriennes, ainsi que l’embargo sur les armes.

Les Etats membres ont actuellement l’interdiction d’exporter vers la Syrie non seulement des armes mais aussi tout équipement susceptible d’être utilisé à des fins de répression. Ils ont aussi l’obligation d’inspecter les navires et les avions qui pourraient transporter du matériel vers ce pays.

 

Pas de livraison d’armes aux rebelles syriens

 

Ce lundi, cet embargo a été amendé, l’Union européenne pouvant désormais fournir un soutien « non létal » plus important à l’opposition, en exportant du matériel non-offensif. Elle pourra aussi fournir une assistance technique pour la protection des civils.

 

Cet assouplissement de l’embargo ne satisfera pas pleinement l’opposition syrienne, qui réclame depuis des mois la livraison d’armes aux rebelles. Si l’embargo concerne aussi bien le régime que l’opposition, les forces de Bachar el-Assad recevraient encore de l’armement, notamment de la part de l’Iran et de la Russie. Ce week-end encore, les douanes finlandaises ont indiqué avoir mis la main sur un conteneur rempli de pièces détachées pour blindés qui semble avoir été envoyé de Moscou vers Damas.

 

Les rebelles bénéficieraient eux aussi de livraisons d’armes de pays étrangers, le Qatar ou l’Arabie Saoudite notamment, mais dans des proportions bien moindres. Surtout, ils restent largement sous-équipés face aux forces régulières et ne parviennent donc pas à empêcher les bombardements aériens du régime.

 

Des armes entre de « mauvaises mains » ?

 

S’ils sont sensibles à ces arguments, Européens et Américains redoutent de « militariser » encore davantage le conflit. Les Nations unies estiment que près de 70 000 personnes ont été tuées depuis le début de la crise. Alors, envoyer des armes supplémentaires en Syrie ne risque-t-il pas de rendre la situation encore plus meurtrière pour les civils ?

Autre préoccupation de poids pour les Occidentaux, celle de savoir entre quelles mains ces armes peuvent tomber. Bien que les groupes islamistes – comme le Front al-Nosra - qui se battent désormais sur le terrain ne représentent qu’une minorité des rebelles, leur présence inquiète les chancelleries européennes et américaine.

 

Cette crainte est accrue par le précédent libyen : après l’intervention française contre le régime de Mouammar Kadhafi, des stocks d’armes ont été disséminés dans la région du Sahel. Certaines d’entre elles se retrouvent aujourd’hui entre les mains des islamistes contre lesquelles la France se bat au Mali.

 

Des Européens divisés sur la question des armes

 

Au sein de l’Union européenne, la Grande-Bretagne est l’un des pays les plus favorables à l’armement de l’opposition syrienne. Le chef de la diplomatie britannique William Hague a répété à l’ouverture de la réunion à Bruxelles qu’il fallait fournir « davantage d’équipement » aux rebelles. Il espère d'ailleurs que l'Union européenne ira « plus loin » lorsqu'elle réexaminera le régime de sanctions dans trois mois.

 

Si Paris semblait, il y a encore quelques mois, sur la même ligne que Londres - le ministre des Affaires étrangères Laurent Fabius ayant proposé une levée de l'embargo sur les armes défensives en novembre -, cette position a évolué. Début février, le président François Hollande s'est prononcé contre une levée de l’embargo tant qu'il resterait la possibilité d'un dialogue politique.

 

Les pays nordiques étaient quant à eux opposés à un assouplissement de l’embargo, tout comme l’Autriche, l’Espagne, Chypre ou encore le Luxembourg. L’option retenue lundi à Bruxelles est donc bien une option de compromis, qui ne devrait pas avoir d’impact décisif sur la situation en Syrie. 

 


Bachar el-Assad sûr de sa victoire

 

« Nous avons la certitude gagner ». Ces propos auraient été tenus par Bachar el-Assad devant des hommes politiques libanais, selon le journal As-Safir.

 

La rhétorique est toujours la même : le président parle de lutte contre des groupes extrémistes, c'est ainsi qu'il nomme l'opposition, il évoque aussi un complot ourdi de l'étranger puisqu'il estime que les rebelles sont soutenus par l'Arabie Saoudite et le Qatar, notamment.

 

Le président syrien met enfin en avant les exploits militaires du régime. Or sur le terrain, la situation est loin d'être claire.

 

Les combats continueraient à Alep, particulièrement autour des aéroports. L'OSDH, une ONG proche de l'opposition, affirme que les rebelles se sont emparés lundi d'un barrage militaire menant à l'aéroport international. A Deraa, l'opposition armée serait également parvenue à détruire un barrage qui coupait une route allant vers la Jordanie.

Chaque partie revendique régulièrement la victoire, mais les informations restent difficiles à vérifier, en l'absence de journalistes sur le terrain

 

 

 
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18 février 2013 1 18 /02 /février /2013 08:19

Mindef

 

18/02/2013 Michel Cabirol, à Abu Dhabi – LaTribune.fr

 

Nouveau retard de quelques semaines du livre blanc qui est désormais attendu vers la fin mars, début avril. C'est en ce moment que les décisions sont prises sur l'avenir des armées. Mais les dépenses de défense vont passer sous la barre des 1,3 % du PIB, selon nos informations.

 

En sport, quand on dit qu'on est dans le "money time", il s'agit en général des dernières minutes de jeu où chaque possession de ballon devient cruciale et où les joueurs clés sont censés s'exprimer. Aujourd'hui, on est exactement là pour le nouveau livre blanc sur la défense, qui devrait avoir un nouveau (léger ?) retard et est attendu désormais fin mars, début avril, selon des sources concordantes, en dépit du récent coup de gueule de François Hollande qui attend le plus rapidement possible cet ouvrage censé décaper toute la doctrine française en matière de défense... sous la contrainte financière. Car c'est le paramètre central de ce nouvel ouvrage, n'en déplaise à ceux qui disent le contraire. "Nous avons un outil opérationnel performant et jalousé même si nos armées ont bien sûr des lacunes, une industrie de l'armement parmi les meilleures au monde, qui emploie des salariés non délocalisables et nous allons vraisemblablement tout casser", regrette un général interrogé par "La Tribune".

 

Un tsunami pour les militaires

 

Le diplomate Jean-Marie Guéhenno, spécialiste des opérations de maintien de la paix à l'ONU jusqu'en 2008, est en train de terminer une deuxième version du livre blanc. Le conseiller spécial du ministre de la Défense, Jean-Claude Mallet, le rival de Jean-Marie Guéheno depuis le lancement de la rénovation de la doctrine française en matière de défense par François Hollande, va de son côté compléter la partie de Jean-Marie Guéhenno, qui s'est principalement intéressé à la partie générale, notamment tout ce qui concerne la géopolitique, explique-t-on à La Tribune. Jean-Claude Mallet, qui lui connait toutes les arcanes et les ficelles de ce grand ministère, s'attaquera aux contrats des armées. Le coeur du sujet pour les militaires, très inquiets sur leur avenir et sur leurs futures missions.

 

C'est ce tandem (Guéhenno-Mallet), qui a été vendu à François Hollande. En tant que chef des armées, le validera-t-il ? Lui qui a connu son heure de gloire dans les rues de Tombouctou acclamé par des milliers de Maliens libérés du joug des islamistes. Car ce qui se prépare est un tsunami grandeur nature pour l'armée et, par ricochet, pour les industriels de la défense. Pourtant, "là où il y a une volonté, il y a un chemin" avait expliqué Lénine. Car comme le rappelle très justement l'ancien chef d'état-major des armées (2006-2010), le général Jean-Louis Georgelin : "la dépense publique, en France, représente 56 % du PIB. Quand on enlève 1,5 % pour la défense, il reste 54,5 %. Sans doute y a-t-il, dans cette masse, des marges de manoeuvre à explorer". Mais l'armée "n'est pas un enjeu électoral et n'apporte aucune voix lors des élections", regrette un autre général.

 

La trajectoire Y, l'arme fatale ?

 

Selon la trajectoire Y (nom de code du futur montant global des crédits ventilés lors de la prochaine loi de programmation militaire, qui va mettre en musique les orientations du Livre blanc), les dépenses de défense vont passer sous la barre des 1,3 % du PIB, selon une source proche du dossier. A l'origine, il y avait trois hypothèses de trajectoire et deux d'entre elles ont fusionné. D'où la trajectoire Y. La Loi de programmation militaire (LPM) extrêmement dure est bien pire que ce qu'avait imaginé cet automne le chef des armées, l'amiral Edouard Guillaud. "En 2012, il est de 1,55 %. A l'horizon de 2015, il dépassera à peine 1,3 %". la direction générale de l'armement (DGA) travaille elle aussi sur une trajectoire permettant de ne pas casser l'outil, explique-t-on à La Tribune. En utilisant les méthodes très classiques plutôt qu'une rupture : étalements des programmes et réduction des cibles, notamment. Pour les militaires, cela va être cataclysmique, estime-t-on dans les armées, qui se réjouissent de la démonstration du succès opérationnel de l'opération Serval au Mali, qui a mis end éroute les terroristes islamistes.

 

Le Mali aura-t-il un impact sur le Livre blanc ?

 

Une telle opération aura-t-elle un impact sur la rédaction du Livre blanc ? A la marge oui. Elle a notamment permis de faire taire (une bonne fois pour toute ?) les partisans de la suppression de tout ou partie de l'armée de terre (remplacée par des forces spéciales) et des forces prépositionnées, qui ont été lors de cette opération cruciales pour la réussite de Serval basée sur la rapidité d'intervention. "La manoeuvre aéroterrestre, dans un cadre d'une opération interarmée, est au coeur de la victoire, rappelle un collectif d'officiers à La Tribune. Cette victoire mérite d'autant plus d'être soulignée qu'à l'annonce du retrait d'Aghanistan, d'aucuns - entonnant les couplets éculés de la guerre à distance ou de la guerre zéro mort - chantaient un peu rapidement la fin des interventions terrestres". Et de préciser que Serval "ce sont des Rafale et plusieurs milliers de soldats engagés à terre à bord de plus de 200 engins de combat, de l'hélicoptère Tigre au char AMX 10 RC, en passant par toute la gamme des équipements blindés à roues".

 

http://fbcdn-sphotos-c-a.akamaihd.net/hphotos-ak-ash3/579698_494120607300336_2029961287_n.jpg

8 février 2013, le SGTIA 31 se dirige vers Tessalit. - Crédit : EMA / ECPAD

 

Serval a également permis de rappeler à certains que "l'opération au Sahel nous rappelle - s'il fallait - que l'espace méditerranéen reste dangereux : les explosions de violence s'y multiplient sans que leur caractère contagieux soit aisément prévisible". Enfin, l'opération au Mali sera-t-elle la dernière fois que les militaires français entrent en premier sur un théâtre d'opération ? Certains le souhaitaient. "Si d'aucuns, à l'occasion des travaux de préparation du nouveau livre blanc, n'hésitaient pas à s'interroger sur la nécessité de cosnerver les capacités d'entrée en premier et d'être nation cadre, les événements ont répondu à leurs questions", estiment ces officiers. Et de préciser que "l'opération Serval a confirmé l'aptitude à ouvrir un nouveau théâtre, dans l'urgence, avec une entrée en premier et dans unc adre pour l'instant presque strictement national. Condition de l'excellence, l'entrée en premier est un gage de crédibilité vis-à-vis de nos alliés, la reconnaissance explicite qu'il faut toujours compter avec la puissance française".

 

Et maintenant ?

 

Les quatre chefs d'état-major vont maintenant rapidement négocier les futurs contrats des armées. Ces derniers préciseront les missions qui seront affectées aux trois armées. Que vont-ils faire ? Faire une coalition pour ensemble gagner des marges de manoeuvres, comme le souhaitent les militaires, ou continuer à jouer "perso" pour favoriser leur arme. Que va faire l'amiral Guillaud, très fragilisé par le pouvoir en place (Elysée et Hôtel de Brienne) ? Mis à l'écart des briefings tenus à haut niveau pour l'opération Serval et exclu des travaux du Livre blanc, va-t-il être tenté par une sortie par le haut en ne souhaitant pas assumer la responsabilité d'une paupérisation des armées ? On est en plein dans le "money time"...

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17 février 2013 7 17 /02 /février /2013 08:30

Indus def FR

 

17/02/2013 Michel Cabirol – LaTribune.fr

 

Alors que le salon de l'armement à Abu Dhabi (IDEX) ouvre ses portes ce dimanche, les groupes français ont depuis près de quatre ans quelques difficultés à convaincre les autorités émiraties de s'équiper Made in France comme il le faisait pourtant auparavant. Mais les Emirats arabes unis pourraient confier un gros contrat à Nexter. Ce qui pourrait enfin inverser la tendance de ces dernières années.

 

Certes, les Emirats arabes unis (EAU) restent un des très bons clients des groupes d'armement français sur la dernière décennie mais les prises de commandes se sont raréfiées ces quatre dernières années : 310 millions en 2009 ; 183,3 millions en 2010 ; 275,1 millions en 2011. En 2012, les chiffres ne sont pas disponibles mais ils ne sont pas bons. Loin en tout cas des niveaux atteints en 2008 (491,5 millions) et 2006 (606 millions) et surtout en 2007 (894,4 millions). Et ce alors que les Emirats, qui sont situés face à l'Iran, sont restés en tête des importateurs mondiaux ces dernières années. En 2010, l'Arabie saoudite, l'Inde et les Émirats arabes unis assuraient ainsi à eux seuls le tiers des importations mondiales. Dans une interview accordée fin octobre au Parisien, le ministre de la Défense, rappelait, de retour d'Abu Dhabi, que "les EAU, qui effectuaient 70 % de leurs dépenses militaires en France, ont fait passer ce pourcentage à 10 %". Pour autant, faut-il rappeler les chiffres extrêmement bas des prises de commandes en 2004 (85,1 millions) et 2005 (41,8 millions) pour nuancer l'inflexion de la trajectoire des exportations d'armement des groupes français vers Abu Dhabi.

 

Toutefois, ces mauvais chiffres des quatre dernières années commencent à se faire ressentir sur les livraisons des matériels de guerre français aux forces armées émiraties : 257,9 millions en 2010 et 271,1 millions en 2011. Contre par exemple des flux de 653,7 millions en 2007 et 674,6 millions en 2006. En dépit de ce net effritement des exportations françaises aux Emirats, Abu Dhabi reste l'un des principaux clients de la France sur la période 2002-2011. Il se classe au quatrième rang derrière l'Arabie saoudite, le Brésil et l'Inde.

 

Une trajectoire qui peut être inversée

 

Bien sûr cette trajectoire peut rapidement s'inverser grâce à la signature d'un grand contrat. Ce qui pourrait être le cas ce dimanche. Le groupe d'armement public, Nexter, pourrait être sélectionné pour entrer en négociations exclusives avec Abu Dhabi pour la vente de 700 VBCI (Véhicule blindé de combat d'infanterie), comme l'a révélé "Les Echos". Au prix unitaire de 2,7 millions d'euros (prix armée française), le contrat pourrait approcher les 2 milliards d'euros. A plus long terme, il y a aussi le Rafale. La France discute depuis 2008 d'une vente de 60 Rafale aux Emirats. Une vente qui prendra du temps en dépit de la reprise des négociations entre Dassault Aviation et Abu Dhabi en janvier.

 

Des relations orageuses entre Paris et Abu Dhabi

 

Le Rafale a d'ailleurs beaucoup altéré fin 2011, début 2012 les relations entre la France et les Emirats Arabes Unis. Ce qu'a bien expliqué fin octobre Jean-Yves Le Drian : "ce dossier empoisonnait nos rapports. Il y a eu un effilochage de notre relation depuis dix-huit mois", avait-il expliqué dans cette interview au "Parisien". Il est vrai que l'activisme de Nicolas Sarkozy, qui voulait à tout prix vendre des Rafale à Abu Dhabi et la relation difficile entre le PDG de Dassault Aviation, Charles Edelstenne, qui a quitté depuis ces fonctions, et le prince héritier Cheikh Mohammed bin Zahed Al Nahyan avaient fini par agacer très sérieusement les Emirats. Un coup de colère qui s'était concrètement traduit par la mise en compétition du Rafale avec son rival européen, le Typhoon (BAE Systems, EADS et l'italien Finmeccanica).

 

Pourtant, la France a accepté beaucoup d'exigences des Emiratis. Notamment elle a installé dans le pays une base interarmée à Al Dahfra (Abu Dhabi) forte de 700 hommes prépositionnés... sans jusqu'ici aucune contrepartie. "Il y a très peu d'endroits dans le monde où c'est le cas", avait d'ailleurs précisé Jean-Yves Le Drian. Sans compter le partenariat de défense très étroit signé par les deux pays, qui assure aux Emirats une garantie très forte de Paris en cas d'aggression. Paris a également fini par débloquer début 2011 pour les compagnies aériennes Emirates (Dubaï) et Etihad (Abu Dhabi) des droits de trafic supplémentaires (autorisation de vols), essentiellement à Roissy, entre la France et les Emirats Arabes Unis. Là aussi sans contrepartie pour la France. Enfin, les exigences émiraties, au début sans limite, sur une version améliorée du Rafale ont finalement évolué au fil du temps et des belles performances opérationnelles du Rafale en Afghanistan et en Libye, où la France et les EAU ont partagé des missions opérationnelles.

 

Les autres groupes français priés de patienter

 

Depuis 2009, les autres groupes français, déjà fortement concurrencés par les groupes américains et des entreprises de certains pays émergents comme la Turquie très actifs dans cette région du monde, ont été plus ou moins priés par l'Elysée de faire patienter leurs offres dans ce pays afin de ne pas parasiter la négociation sur la vente des 60 Rafale. Pour autant, Thales s'est quand même payé le luxe d'une crise aigüe avec Abu Dhabi début 2011. L'électronicien refusait de signer un accord-cadre sur les offsets (des compensations économiques dans le pays en contrepartie d'un contrat) mis en place par les autorités émiraties. Ce qui avait irrité jusqu'au prince héritier Cheikh Mohammed bin Zahed Al Nahyan, et mis en danger les négociations sur le Rafale. D'ailleurs, aucun grand patron français, à l'exception de celui de Nexter, n'avait fait le déplacement lors de l'édition 2011 du salon de l'armement d'Abu Dhabi (IDEX).

 

Aujourd'hui la confiance est revenue entre les deux pays. "Mon objectif était de rétablir la confiance. Je ne suis pas allé aux Emirats pour les Rafale. Les Rafale attendront. Cette discussion viendra ultérieurement...", avait expliqué le ministre de la Défense en octobre. Depuis François Hollande a également effectué mi-janvier une visite officielle aux Emirats Arabes Unis où il a relancé le Rafale. Dans le foulée les négociations entre Dassault et Abu Dhabi ont repris. Une nouvelle lune de miel... jusqu'à la prochaine dispute ?

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17 février 2013 7 17 /02 /février /2013 07:35

Logo LBG 2011

 

Feb. 16, 2013 by Shiv Aroor - livefist

 

A quick back-of-the-envelope calculation suggests that the potential losses of business in the Indian defence market, as a result of a virtual blacklist, for Finmeccanica amount to about $10-billion in the near term. Not that it was on its way to winning, but the Navy's multirole helicopter (MRH) programme, in which AgustaWestland JV NHIndustries participates with the NH90, could be untouchable now. With bids still to be opened in what has been a long and bitter competition against the Sikorsky S-70B, it remains to be seen if the government will proceed with opening bids and hand the deal to Sikorsky -- or simply pull the plug and call for fresh bids and new competitors. The other programme is the newly floated Naval Utility Helicopter (NUH) bid for 56 light copters. AgustaWestland has put forth the AW109 LUH as a contender against the Sikorsky S-76B, Bell 429 and Eurocopter AS 565 MB Panther. It might as well withdraw. No chance. Finally, the big IAF HS-748 Avro replacement programme, that's seen Finmeccanica subsidiary Alenia Aermachhi mount a high-profile campaign on the C-27J Spartan. Not happening. There are others too that could potentially be singed by a blacklist -- Finmeccanica has equity fingers in tens of companies. Cynical? Overreacting? You don't know how Indian politics works.

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16 février 2013 6 16 /02 /février /2013 20:09

Middle east

 

Feb. 16, 2013 - By PIERRE TRAN – Defense news

 

ABU DHABI – British and French defense ministers pointed to longstanding strategic relations with Arabian Gulf countries as they sought Feb. 16 to boost industry and military ties with the energy-rich region, a big buyer of equipment looking to develop local businesses.

 

French defense minister Jean-Yves Le Drian, in a keynote speech at the Gulf Defense Conference, said Paris seeks not a commercial relationship but a “real strategic partnership founded on confidence,” with co-development and co-production projects in armaments and defense.

 

The high-level conference, organized by Inegma, is tied to the International Defense Exhibition and Conference (IDEX) opening Feb. 17.

 

The French presence at the IDEX trade show shows France is ready to deepen partnerships in high technology areas with the United Arab Emirates, Le Drian said.

 

Paris hopes to sell the Rafale fighter to Abu Dhabi and faces competition from the Eurofighter Typhoon, Lockheed Martin F-16 and Boeing F-18. Lockheed hopes later to sell the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter to the UAE.

 

France also hopes to win a UAE tender for 700 armored vehicles, with state-owned Nexter bidding against the Patria AMV from Finland.

 

“There’s one chance in two,” an announcement could be made at the IDEX show, a Nexter executive said.

 

In wide ranging remarks on policy, Le Drian said there is no compromise possible with “terrorism,” that France should have the political will to commit, when necessary, to helping “friends, allies, and partners” and to uphold its convictions.

 

“We have to maintain the capacity to react militarily far from our borders,” Le Drian said. “Long-range strike, intelligence, aerial refueling, and special operations forces are essential capabilities,” he said.

 

Strong links between France and Arab world carried “responsibilities and duties,” Le Drian said. Over 40 years, France has become one of the leading defense partners with the Gulf Cooperation Council, signing several defense cooperation agreements, he said.

 

The creation of a French permanent military base in Abu Dhabi showed Paris’ responsibility as a “world power” to help contribute to a world balance, he said.

 

The base is part of a relationship, which includes military cooperation, exercises, close operational ties which are strengthened by the fact “our forces are equipped with common equipment,” Le Drian said.

 

“Engagement is not a vain word, or a pious wish. When a state friend needs help, France replies ‘present,’” he said.

 

Le Drian pointed to three major crises: a perceived threat of nuclear proliferation in Iran, and conflicts in Syria and Mali.

 

In Syria, a political transition is needed, in which president Bashar al-Assad “has no place,” Le Drian said.

 

Nuclear proliferation, international terrorism, chemical warfare and regional destabilization are the big threats, he said.

 

France is committed to security and stability in the region, Le Drian said.

 

Flights of Mirage 2000-9 and F-16 Block 60 fighters flew in formation over the conference held at the Armed Forces Officers Club.

 

Britain also sees the Gulf region as a key area, and wants to promote the U.K. as a potential buyer of defense kit built in the region.

 

“In age of uncertainty, Britain is a consistent partner. We will respond to your aspirations and lend you our support,” Philip Dunne, minister for defense equipment, support and technology, said at the conference.

 

Britain recognized the “vision to develop indigenous capability,” he said.

 

“We recognize in the years to come, supply of defense and security equipment will increasingly become two-way traffic,” he said.

 

“We are not restricted in the UK only to procure defense capability within our national boundaries or rely on a handful of selected defense partners,” he said. “We stand ready to procure much defense equipment through open competition and greater international collaboration.

 

“Our market is open to your growing defense industries,” he said.

 

Britain last year published its open procurement philosophy, he said.

 

“Britain has one of the most technologically advanced defense industries in the world,” Dunne said.

 

Almost 100 British firms are exhibiting at IDEX and NAVDEX, the associated naval show, he said.

 

As part of the close ties, bilateral trade between Britain and the Gulf nations has risen 39 percent over the last two years, Dunne said.

 

Some 160,000 British nationals live in the Gulf, with many more visiting each year, he said.

 

The Gulf is vital to global energy supply, and the UK imports about 20 pct of its gas from the region, he said.

 

The British armed forces have some 1,500 personnel deployed in the Gulf, with around 300 in non-operational missions such as defense attachés and support teams.

 

Since the conservative government won power in Britain in May 2010, there have been more than 160 ministerial visits to the region, including four by prime minister David Cameron, Dunne said.

 

That has been matched by more 100 visits to the UK by senior Gulf officials, including state visits, he said.

 

“Our approach is one of friendship and partnership,” Dunne said.

 

London has long standing relations with many Gulf countries stretching back centuries, he said. That shared history has built up “trust,” he said.

 

“Our economies and cultures are increasingly intertwined,” he said. The Gulf nations have links throughout Britain -- from universities, skyscrapers, financial institutions to football clubs, he said.

 

“The impact from inward investment from Gulf nations is rapidly growing,” Dunne said. The security and prosperity of the Gulf is of critical importance to the UK, he said.

 

“A threat to the security and prosperity of this region represents a threat to our interests,” he said. “We have a common interest in the stability of this region.”

 

Britain’s capacity to intervene in the Gulf region will grow under the Force 2020 military reorganization planned after the exit from Afghanistan, he said.

 

London looks to boost joint training and interoperability with Gulf forces. “We have some of the best trained, best equipped and most experienced armed forces in the world. They exercise, they deploy, and they fight, and they do it extremely well,” Dunne said.

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16 février 2013 6 16 /02 /février /2013 16:30

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f6/Pacific_Ocean_-_en.png

 

February 16, 2013 china-defense-mashup.com

 

2013-02-16 — WITHIN two decades the United States will be forced out of the western Pacific, says a senior Chinese military officer, amid concerns that increasingly militarised great-power rivalry could lead to war.

 

Senior Colonel Liu Mingfu, at the People’s Liberation Army’s National Defence University, told Fairfax Media this week that American strategic influence would be confined “east of the Pacific midline” as it is displaced by Chinese power throughout east Asia, including Australia.

 

Colonel Liu’s interpretation of one facet of what the new Chinese leader, Xi Jinping, calls “a new type of great-power relationship” adds to the uncertainty and anxiety surrounding China’s strategic ambitions.

 

It clashes with comments days earlier by his university colleague, General Zhu Chenghu, who told a conference in the US: “We have no intention of driving the US out of east Asia or the western Pacific.”

 

Concern about China’s strategic ambitions has grown since last year’s Chinese occupation of islands administered by the Philippines in the South China Sea and, particularly, China’s continuing brinkmanship with Japan and its security guarantor, the US, in the East China Sea.

 

Japanese leaders have accused China of locking weapons-guiding radars on Japanese targets – which China denies – while Western military sources say Chinese planes, ships and submarines have challenged Japanese-controlled waters and airspace around the Senkaku Islands.

 

Some security analysts say Australian political leaders are in public denial about the stakes involved and invidious choices the nation may have to face.

 

“It’s the most dangerous strategic crisis that the US has faced – that the world has faced – since the end of the Cold War,” said Hugh White, former deputy secretary of the Department of Defence.

 

China and Japan, he said, were drifting closer to a war that could draw in the US. “This makes rather a nonsense of the mantra we hear both from Gillard and Abbott that ‘we don’t have to choose between the US and China’,” he said.

 

An assertive, rising China has also triggered the formation of a regional latticework of new security linkages, partly pioneered by Australia and now championed by the new Japanese Prime Minister, Shinzo Abe, who proposes a “democratic security diamond” involving India, the US and Australia.

 

Ely Ratner, a fellow at the Centre for a New American Security, said Australia should speak louder in favour of international laws, norms and institutions given its dependence on rules and institutions that enable the free flow of goods in east Asia.

 

As much as 57 per cent of Australian exports pass through sea lanes in the South China Sea, according to Australian government estimates.

 

“The overriding question is whether China is interested in a region based on rules and institutions that seek co-operative, non-coercive ways to deal with disagreements,” said Mr Ratner, who previously worked at the China desk of the US State Department.

 

“Or is it going to deal with disagreements by using military, non-military and economic coercion, as we saw against the Philippines and Japan, and diplomatic coercion as we saw at the East Asia Summit,” he said, referring to China’s intervention at the summit to block discussion of maritime security issues.

 

Last month, James Fanell, intelligence chief for the US Pacific Fleet – which commands six aircraft carrier groups – told a San Diego conference that China’s “expansion into blue waters is largely about countering the Pacific Fleet”.

 

Even China’s civilian maritime surveillance agency “has no other mission but to harass other nations into submitting to China’s expansive

 

claims,” he said. Colonel Liu, who previously warned Australia not to support the Japanese “wolf” or American “tiger” in any military showdown, does not hold the rank of general or act as an official spokesman.

 

But his views have been taken more seriously since his fiercely nationalistic book The China Dream was allowed back onto the shelves after Mr Xi’s elevation in November, when Mr Xi began talking about his own nationalistic “China Dream”.

 

And they reflect a common assertion in some quarters of Beijing, and particularly the People’s Liberation Army, that the Obama administration’s “pivot” to Asia is an aberration in a story that will see the US Pacific Fleet eventually give up on its allies in the region.

 

But, said Robert Rubel, Dean of the US Naval War College’s Centre for Naval Warfare Studies, China’s military ambitions will face natural internal and external constraints as aggressive behaviour will cause its neighbours to rally together.

 

“Some guys here say they’re xenophobic, they’re hostile, and they’re probably right, but if they’re halfway rational there are limits to how much trouble they can cause without bringing their own house down,” said Professor Rubel, who helped design the US National Maritime Strategy.

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15 février 2013 5 15 /02 /février /2013 08:57

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February 15, 2013 by Shiv Aroor - Livefist

 

 

In the works for years, negotiations have been successfully concluded by India and France to develop and produce their proposed short-range surface to air missile (SR-SAM), designated 'Maitri'. This was revealed by the Indian Prime Minister yesterday after he met with visiting French President Hollande.

More information on the SR-SAM programme from earlier posts:

The partnership began in 2007 as part of the umbrella government-to-government agreement between India and France on missiles.

The ownership of the Maitri programme will be fully Indian. With baseline technologies from the now defunct Trishul SAM programme, the Maitri programme basically envisages the sale of certain key technologies by MBDA to DRDO (seeker, endgame avionics, thrust vector control, propulsion modifications), though production will not be under a corporate joint venture on the lines of BrahMos, but would rather be carried out entirely by Bharat Dynamics Ltd (BDL), India's state-owned munitions production agency.

The Maitri is being built in two basic variants -- a ship-borne point defence and tactical air defence version for the Navy and a land-based self-propelled (wheeled and tracked) launcher-based system for the Air Force and Army.

Previously on Livefist:
Schematics of the SR-SAM weapon system
MBDA To Race Indo-French SR-SAM In 2 Indian Competitions

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15 février 2013 5 15 /02 /février /2013 08:50

The Union Jack Flag photo UK MoD

 

11 Feb 2013By Craig Hoyle – FG

 

At first glance, the confirmation of a UK Ministry of Defence plan to spend £159 billion ($240 billion) on equipment and support by 2022 is an encouraging sign for the nation's armed forces, especially during a time of financial belt-tightening.

 

Left unchanged since it was revealed by defence secretary Philip Hammond in May 2012, the 10-year allocation includes a 1% increase in real terms per annum after 2014-2015. This will see spending rise from £13.2 billion in the 2012-2013 financial year to more than £18.8 billion at the end of the cycle.

 

 

RAF Eurofighter Typhoon Crown Copyright

 Crown Copyright    

Expanding the Typhoon's multirole potential is a priority for the use of unallocated funds 

An ongoing restructuring of the UK military will, in time, lead to the air force, army and navy coming under a so-called Future Force 2020 structure, which was outlined in the current coalition government's Strategic Defence and Security Review (SDSR) of September 2010. This process has already resulted in deep cuts to personnel and equipment levels as part of an effort to eradicate what Hammond describes as past "poor project management, weak decision-making and financial indiscipline". Such factors had contributed to a gap of about £74 billion between the MoD's procurement commitments and ability to pay, according to a review by the UK National Audit Office (NAO).

 

The MoD's 31 January publication of the Defence Equipment Plan 2012 confirms Hammond has now balanced the books, with the budget for the first time also containing a financial risk and contingency provision of £13.2 billion to cover unexpected cost over-runs and £8 billion in unallocated funding to be used against emerging needs.

 

"All three services now have greater input and more certainty than ever before about what equipment they will have and when," says chief of the defence staff Gen Sir David Richards. "The clarity provided by the equipment plan shows that Future Force 2020 is affordable and achievable."

 

But while the document has brought some fresh clarity to the military and its suppliers in terms of the MoD's procurement commitments, a deeper assessment of its only 20 pages of text and funding graphs leaves key questions unanswered. In truth, the armed services will each be faced with making more difficult decisions during the next several years, most immediately as they scale down their more than decade-long combat involvement in Afghanistan.

 

According to the MoD's plan, combined procurement activities will account for about £60 billion, or roughly 38% of its £159 billion spending until 2021-2022. The bill for supporting its in-service and newly acquired equipment will account for £86 billion, or 54%, it says.

 

SERVICE ALLOCATIONS

 

With the UK's land forces having received major investment during the past several years because of their action in the fight against the Taliban in Afghanistan, the Royal Air Force and Royal Navy will each now receive substantially more than the British Army.

 

 

RAF Reaper UAV Crown Copyright

 Crown Copyright

Reaper UAVs must attract core funding if operations are to continue after 2015

A total of £44.5 billion - 28% of the 10-year allocation - will be spent on aviation projects, with "combat air" programmes including the Eurofighter Typhoon, Lockheed Martin F-35 and unmanned air vehicles to account for £18.5 billion of this sum. RAF transport, tanker and air support projects including the Airbus Military A400M, AirTanker-provided Airbus A330 Voyager and Airseeker electronic intelligence fleets will get £13.9 billion.

The RN's total 33% share of the money will allow both of its Queen Elizabeth-class aircraft carriers to be completed, along with other new surface ships for £17.4 billion. The Astute-class attack submarine programme, early work leading to the replacement of its Trident-armed Vanguard-class ballistic missile boats, and other activities to maintain the UK's independent nuclear deterrent capability will account for £35.8 billion; little more than 22% of the spending total.

 

By contrast, spending on armoured fighting vehicles and other land equipment for the army will total £12.3 billion, or about 7.7% of the procurement and support allocation.

 

"The RAF are the past masters of political massage, and the Royal Navy have shown a surprising turn of speed in this area of late," says Francis Tusa, editor of UK publication Defence Analysis. "The result is that both will leave the army in their wake, especially as it is pushed out of the limelight as the Afghan mission draws to an early end."

 

Rotorcraft projects, including upping the RAF's Boeing CH-47 Chinook fleet to 60 aircraft, will cost £12.1 billion, and programmes to buy missiles, torpedoes and precision-guided bombs are to value about £11.4 billion.

 

UNCOMMITTED FUNDS

 

With several major new acquisitions to be considered as part of the next SDSR process during 2015, parts of each equipment area include planned, but as-yet uncommitted, segments of core budget.

 

For the air domain, this includes planned new spending on the Eurofighter Typhoon. "Further investment to develop and enhance the aircraft's multirole and intelligence, surveillance, target acquisition and reconnaissance capabilities are priorities for use of unallocated headroom in the plan budget," the MoD says. Another priority when funds allow "will be to expand our investment in simulated pilot training", it adds.

 

The RAF is due to retire its last Panavia Tornado GR4s in 2019, and the Eurofighter is not yet cleared to use either the MBDA Brimstone air-to-surface missile or Raytheon Systems Paveway IV precision-guided bomb - the service's weapons of choice in Afghanistan and Libya - or ­MBDA's Storm Shadow cruise missile, used in Iraq and Libya.

Funding has yet to be guaranteed to produce a new Captor-E active electronically scanned array radar for Typhoon partners Germany, Italy, Spain and the UK, or to fully integrate MBDA's Meteor beyond visual-range air-to-air missile. Money for such work will have to be made available later this decade as spending on the F-35 also begins to ramp up with increased production.

 

It is uncertain whether the UK will proceed with its previously planned final Tranche 3B purchase of Eurofighters for the RAF. In January, the service received its 100th Typhoon, against an original 232-aircraft commitment, later revised to 208.

 

 

 RAF F-35B Crown Copyright

 Lockheed Martin

A planned 48 STOVL F-35Bs should be acquired during the 10-year spending period

 

In May 2012, the UK reverted its procurement plans to buying the short take-off and vertical landing F-35B, following a brief but expensive dalliance with the carrier variant C model. A last-minute attempt to switch was abandoned when the massive costs linked to converting at least one of the RN's aircraft carriers became apparent, but only after the planned shift had wasted £100 million.

 

"Our commitment over the first 10 years is for 48 [F-35Bs]," the MoD's permanent secretary Jon Thompson told the House of Commons defence committee in late 2012. "Over time, we would expect the number to rise to beyond three figures, but that would be in the second decade," he added. The MoD is expected to order its first operational example during the course of 2013, but exact numbers should become clearer via the next SDSR.

 

The MoD says decisions on how to spend the £8 billion of "headroom funding" which has yet to be allocated will be taken by the Armed Forces Committee.

 

"This will allow us to fund, incrementally and flexibly, a number of additional programmes that are a high priority for defence, as soon as we can be sure that they are affordable," Hammond says. "We will do so only at the point when commitment is required to meet the operational requirement and only in accordance with the military assessment of priority at the time."

 

But the UK's equipment profile faces a major challenge as it moves towards withdrawing its last combat forces from Afghanistan before the end of 2014. The MoD must decide which of the equipment acquired under the urgent operational requirement (UOR) model will be retained within its core budget. Many systems, including the RAF's General Atomics Aeronautical Systems Reaper remotely piloted air systems and Raytheon-modified Hawker Beechcraft King Air 350ER-based Shadow R1 surveillance aircraft, have been acquired and supported under UOR deals using money from the Treasury reserve fund, and not the MoD equipment budget.

 

The MoD estimates the net additional cost of operations in Afghanistan as having totalled £17 billion between 2001 and March 2012, including about £3.8 billion each in the financial years starting in 2009 and 2010.

 

Decisions on what to bring back - and fund - as part of the core defence fleet have yet to be taken, with the MoD repeatedly having stated it has yet to determine what will happen to its armed Reapers post-2015. This is despite an expected programme spend of more than £500 million since the type was introduced in 2007, and an ongoing fleet expansion which will take the number of air vehicles available to the RAF's 13 and 39 squadrons to 10. A UK ground control station for the type has also been established at its Waddington base in Lincolnshire, with 31 service personnel qualified to pilot the type and 16 more to follow by September 2013.

 

URGENT ATTENTION

 

Primarily used to deliver intelligence, surveillance, target acquisition and reconnaissance services, the UK's Reapers are flown from Kandahar airfield. The MoD says its aircraft had released 52 Raytheon Paveway II-series 226kg (500lb) laser-guided bombs and 293 Lockheed Martin AGM-114 Hellfire air-to-surface missiles by 22 October 2012.

 

Elsewhere, the UK's current Defence Equipment and Support (DE&S) organisation also faces a major structural overhaul from later this decade, with a private sector-operated successor being considered by the MoD. In 2012, private-sector company Serco was selected to assist with a review process.

 

In its Defence Acquisition report of 5 February, the cross-party House of Commons defence committee says it "agrees with the government that the current arrangements for acquisition, constrained by public sector employment rules, are unsatisfactory. But the proposal to entrust acquisition to a government-owned, contractor-operated company is not universally accepted as the best way forward, and there are particular concerns about how the MoD's overall responsibility for acquisition could be maintained."

 

 

HMS Victorious submarine Crown Copyright

Crown Copyright

Updating the Royal Navy's ballistic missile submarine force and also retaining the UK's independent nuclear deterrent will account for 22% of the total defence equipment plan

 

Support and maintenance costs are substantial, with contracts linked to the RAF's Tornado and Typhoon fleets having valued more than a combined £880 million during the 2011-2012 financial year, the MoD says. Reforming DE&S to deliver greater efficiency and cost savings remains a key priority.

 

Meanwhile, a separate factor which could affect the cost and schedule performance of the UK's defence acquisition projects concerns the MoD's new and more stringent requirements for the certification and release to service of new aircraft and systems. Established following the recommendations of the Haddon-Cave review, which investigated the loss of Nimrod MR2 XV230 over Afghanistan in 2006, the UK Military Aviation Authority is driving through tougher controls over the safety standards acceptable for incoming and operational equipment.

 

The MoD's desire to bring the British Army's Watchkeeper unmanned air system into use with civilian certification continues to delay the type's planned introduction to use in Afghanistan, despite this objective having originally been scheduled during 2010. A new announcement on when the asset will be fielded is expected later in 2013.

 

A senior RAF official also warned late last year that while the service's acquisition of three RC-135 Airseekers from the USA remains on budget and on time to enter operational use in October 2014, difficulties could be encountered during certification of the Boeing 707-based system.

 

Despite such challenges, the NAO says the MoD's equipment planning is now being performed "on a more prudent basis", although it suggests the department's attitude to risk "is still over-optimistic", when judged against its past performance in buying new equipment. However, Hammond notes: "The [NAO] assessment of the equipment plan will take place annually so that parliament will gain ever greater levels of confidence that the MoD equipment plan is affordable and will fulfil our capability requirements."

 

Only time will tell if the UK has truly brought the desired level of military precision and adaptability to its buying practices to meet the challenges of the future.

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14 février 2013 4 14 /02 /février /2013 19:45

http://assets.digital.cabinet-office.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/image_data/file/6542/s300_MNT-20130211-019-Unclass-108g.jpg

Lieutenant Colonel Mustapha of the Ghanian Army talks

to his first group of soldiers prior to their departure for

Mali on an RAF 99 Squadron C-17 aircraft

Picture: Sergeant Ralph Merry RAF, MOD 2013]

 

14 February 2013 Ministry of Defence

 

A Royal Air Force C-17 aircraft has flown Ghanaian troops to Bamako in Mali as part of the UK's support for the international intervention in the country.

 

The transport aircraft flew more than 120 soldiers of Ghana’s Engineering Company 1 to Mali’s capital with vehicles and equipment in response to a request for assistance from Ghana.

 

They will build accommodation and support engineering projects as part of the African-led International Support Mission to Mali (AFISMA).

 

The UK, concerned by the situation in Mali and the threat that violent extremist groups in the north pose. The UK is assisting the Ghanaians by making a C-17 aircraft available this week.

 

Minister for the Armed Forces, Andrew Robathan, met RAF crew members working on the airlift at Bamako during a 2-day visit.

 

He said:

I came out on behalf of the government to see first-hand what is happening out here, where our troops are deploying, where there’s a huge French presence and where there is a terrorist situation that actually threatens the United Kingdom as well.

 

We have said we don’t want to have troops on the ground but we are helping the French effort and we’re helping the African effort as well. We’re going to help train Malians with the EU training mission too.

 
A fully loaded RAF 99 Squadron C-17 aircraft A fully loaded RAF 99 Squadron C-17 aircraft carries the first deployment of Ghanian troops into Mali [Picture: Sergeant Ralph Merry RAF, Crown Copyright/MOD 2013]

The evolving threat in Mali requires international partnerships, which is why the UK has been a firm supporter of the UN Security Council Resolutions on Mali as well as regional leadership from Economic Community of West African States and the African Union and EU training to help rebuild the Malian army.

 

Colonel M’Bawine Atintande, Director of Public Relations for the Ghana Armed Forces, said:

Ghana is sending an Engineer Company that’s more than 120 of all ranks. The company will play every specific role. We expect the forces to be there as long as it takes to solve the problem. Normally we stay in the six months and then rotate.

 

The UK has given us so much support. Before AFISMA we have had so much support from Britain, including a training team.

 

There is training assistance they have given us in preparing the troops for the mission so by and large the UK government has given us so much that we need in the mission.

As well as providing logistical support and C-17 aircraft to support the French-led intervention in Mali last month, the UK also offered up to 40 personnel for the EU training mission to Mali and up to 200 personnel in support of the African-led support mission.

 

Negotiations are continuing on the details of the UK’s contribution.

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14 février 2013 4 14 /02 /février /2013 15:55

http://www.defense.gouv.fr/var/dicod/storage/images/base-de-medias/images/dga/1-evenements/couverture-du-bilan-d-activites-2012-de-la-dga/2180756-2-fre-FR/couverture-du-bilan-d-activites-2012-de-la-dga.jpg

 

14/02/2013 Par Olivier Berger, grand reporter à La Voix du Nord. - Défense globale

 

La Délégation générale pour l'armement (DGA), dirigé depuis 2008 par Laurent Collet-Billon a présenté le 13 février son bilan d'activités 2012. La DGA représente des enjeux considérables, spécialement en temps de crise, peut-on ajouter : " maintenir au meilleur standard mondial l'équipement des armées " (près de 11 milliards d'euros d'équipements en 2012), " préserver la compétitivité de l'industrie française et européenne " (signature du pacte-défense PME, 725 millions d'euros investis en recherche et développement, 750 M€ en 2013). Rappelons que le secteur de l'armement représente en France plus de 160 000 salariés...

 

En revanche (c'est quand même la crise), le secteur de l'exportation, soutenu par la DGA au nom de l'Etat, est en recul à environ 5 milliards d'euros en 2012 (6,5 milliards en 2011, 8,5 milliards en 2008 par exemple). Sur la période 2006-2011, les Etats-Unis représentent le premier exportateur mondial d'armements (40 %) devant la Russie (14 %), le Royaume-Uni (11 %), la France (8,5 %) et Israël (5 %).

 

Le ratio achats d'équipements du ministère de la Défense (10,984 milliards d'euros) et exportations (environ 5 milliards) montre tout de même que le secteur reste trop dépendant de l'Etat.

 

logo-du-dispositif-rapid

 

D'une manière générale, la DGA compte environ 10 500 équivalent temps plein employé fin 2012 et s'oriente vers un renforcement de sa capacité d'ingénierie. Il a également réduit ses implantations géographiques (cinq centres du service qualité au lieu de neuf). Mais son efficacité, autant dans la recherche que dans le soutien à l'industrie française, semble déterminante pour le secteur. Une preuve avec le pacte Défense-PME, l'augmentation des 25 % sur trois ans des crédits RAPID (appui pour l'innovation, 62 projets sélectionnés en 2012).

 

Il faudra ensuite que tous ces programmes et ces innovations rentrent dans le cadre du futur Livre blanc et de la prochaine loi de programmation militaire. Rien n'est moins sûrs. La classe politique rappelle depuis quelques mois que certains domaines pourraient être mis en sommeil (pas abandonnés, nuance). Une meilleure coopération européenne est souvent vue comme une solution face aux budgets de Défense en recul...

 

En attendant, voici les principaux constats du bilan d'activité de la DGA en 2012...

 

Principales livraisons en 2012 : premier Rafale à radar à antenne active ; première FREMM Aquitaine (frégate multimissions) ; 196 AASM (missiles air-sol) ; 40e et dernier hélicoptère Tigre ; transfert du SNLE Le Vigilant à L'ïle longue pour son adaptation au missile nucléaire M51 (première sortie à la mer ce printemps) ; hélicoptère NH90-NFH (lutte anti-surface et anti sous-marine pour la Marine nationale) expérimenté à Hyères ; qualification du système PAAMS pour les frégates (Principal anti air missile systems) ; plus de 10 000 systèmes FELIN livrés (dix régiments d'infanterie équipés) ; 30 000 masques individuels de protection ; surprotection des AMX10RC ; robots terrestres contre les IED...

 

survol-du-caiman-marine-de-la-fremm-aquitaine

 

Principales commandes 2012 : adaptation au M51 des SNLE Le Triomphant et Le Téméraire ; capacité de soutien SIAé (service industriel de l'aéronautique) pour le programme A400M ; travaux d'évaluation du drone tactique Watchkeeper ; lancement de l'étape 1 des travaux de CONTACT (communications taciques et de théâtres) ; phase d'orientaton de la rénovation à mi-vie de l'ASMPA (missile nucléaire de la composante aérienne) ; notification du marché de brouilleurs BARAGE ; travaux de levée de risques du standard Rafale F3R (livrable en 2018) ; arrêt technique majeur du porte-avions Charles-de-Gaulle.

 

First production Airbus Military A400M in French Air Force

 

Recherche et développement : premier vol du démonstrateur de drone de combat furtif NEURON (essais jusqu'en 2014) ; tirs de qualification du missile AASM en version " guidage terminal laser ".

 

Dassault neuron uav source lefigaro.fr

 

Parmi les programmes futurs : CERES (composante spatiale interarmées de collecte de données de renseignement d'origine électromagnétique) ; SLAMF (renouvellement de la capacité de lutte contre les mines navales) ; HIL (hélicoptère interarmées léger)...

 

Coopération européenne.

 

UK MOD

Avec le Royaume-Uni, signature de deux contrats pour préparer le programme conjoint de drone de combat FCAS DP (Dassault et BAE pour le démonstrateur, Rolls-Royce et SNECMA pour la motorisation) ; expérimentation du drone Watchkeeper par l'armée de terre française (Thales UK) ; interopérabilité de la Combat Joint Expeditionary Force.

 

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/5/5b/Flag_of_the_Italian_Defence_minister.svg/800px-Flag_of_the_Italian_Defence_minister.svg.png

Avec l'Italie : missile Aster, radio logicielle et domaine spatial. Avec l'Allemagne : déclaration d'intention dans huit domaines, observation spatiale, drones MALE, défense antimissile, hélicoptères (lettre d'intention pour le Tigre), systèmes terestres, soutien et autoprotection de l'A400M, torpilles, certification des aéronefs militaires.

 

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Avec l'Agence européenne de Défense : drones, partage des capacités de ravitaillement en vol...

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14 février 2013 4 14 /02 /février /2013 14:02

Engagement d’un escadron blindé AMX 10RC de Niamey à Ga

 

02.14.13  By David Axe - wired.com/dangerroom

 

On Friday, Feb. 8, a man wearing a military uniform motored up to a Malian army checkpoint in the ancient city of Gao, which had recently been liberated from Islamic militants that had held the arid country’s expansive north since early 2012. The rider triggered an explosive belt, killing the bomber but merely wounding a Malian soldier standing nearby.

 

By the standards of suicide bombers, the Gao attack was unimpressive. But it was chilling nonetheless. It was the first suicide attack in the West African country since the beginning of the civil war last year, and an early blow in a nascent insurgency targeting Mali.

 

Last Friday’s desultory blast was also a reminder of a recent military lesson. Speedy, high-tech, coalition-based military interventions, the kind increasingly favored by the U.S. after more than a decade of open-ended occupations in Iraq and Afghanistan, can begin neatly and end messily — if they really end at all.

 

Washington’s calculated support in Mali, including intelligence, drones, logistics and cash, enabled French, Malian and allied troops to quickly recapture northern territory from militant forces led by al-Qaida in the Islamic Maghreb, a.k.a. AQIM, the terrorist organization’s North African affiliate. A coalition victory in the main assault was a foregone conclusion.

 

It’s the phase of the conflict after major combat that should worry U.S. officials. And that phase is beginning now.

 

Army Gen. Carter Ham, head of the U.S. Africa Command, put it best in mid-January during the early hours of the French-led campaign. Paris’ bombers struck militant forces as French commandos mobilized Malian troops and armored battalions raced to reinforce France’s African garrisons. Ham was apparently already thinking past the initial battles, to the possibility of a drawn-out insurgency. “The real question,” Ham said, “is now what?

 

Now more than ever, America wants neat, short conflicts. There’s no appetite for drawn-out operations, to say nothing of large-scale troop deployments. But Mali is likely to underscore an unpleasant truth. Today’s conflicts are usually anything but tidy or brief.

 

 

21st-Century Blitz

In March 2012, a coup by Mali’s army toppled the elected government in the capital of Bamako in the south. In the resulting confusion AQIM fighters and other militants seized the less populated north. The fighting between the new Malian regime and the rebels quickly reached a stalemate.

 

The French Ministry of Defense began the planning and preparation for the current intervention way back last summer. Some French forces were already in Bamako. Others were on standby in nearby Chad, Senegal and Burkina Faso.

 

Bertrand Clément-Bollée, head of French land forces, identified France-based troops that could be quickly sent to Africa to bolster the existing garrisons for a total deployment of some 4,000 troops. In October, Paris sent Harfang drones – France’s unarmed answer to America’s Predator — to begin tracking militant targets in the north. By late last year, the French intervention was primed.

 

In structure and purpose, the planned French assault force was indicative of an approach to warfare pioneered by the U.S. six years ago in Somalia, after Islamic militants captured most of that country. The U.S. was already bogged down in Iraq and Afghanistan. So in a secret meeting that summer, Jendayi Frazer, the top State Department official for Africa, told the Ethiopian president that the U.S. would support an invasion (.pdf) by Ethiopian forces. The attack came in December 2006, combining Ethiopian tanks and artillery with U.S. Predator drones, AC-130 gunships, carrier-based naval fighters and Special Operations Forces.

 

Within weeks the Islamists were on the run. As a proof of concept the “fantastic” “Somali job,” as one foreign dignitary characterized it, was encouraging. But the second phase of that conflict was a reminder that invasions begin wars; they don’t necessarily end them. After only a month’s lull, Somali militants struck back against the Ethiopians with suicide bombers, roadside explosives and ambushes by fighters dressed as civilians. Fighting raged for years.

 

French Mali

 

When militants in northern Mali attacked towards Bamako on Jan. 11, France’s response followed the Somalia model. French armored vehicles sped north under intensive air cover. Special Operations Forces organized Malian battalions and led them into combat. The U.S. offered intel; sent transport and aerial refueling planes for support; and laid plans for a drone deployment to the region. In less than a month, French-led forces liberated all of the north’s major cities, reportedly killing hundreds of militants at light cost to themselves. Paris is now planning to pull out its troops as early as March.

 

But if Mali continues to echo Somalia, the real nasty fighting is only beginning just as France plans to pull out its forces. The corrupt, undisciplined Malian troops and unproven West African peacekeepers who will remain behind might not be up to the task of defeating an entrenched insurgency. Suppressing Somali militants took another five years of painful effort after the invasion phase. Does Mali also face years of bloody irregular fighting before it can declare peace?

 

Indications are, yes.

 

 

Backlash

The French assault was a barely a week old when terrorists struck back elsewhere. Dozens of militants, reportedly including several Malians, seized a natural gas facility in Algeria along with hundreds of workers — all in retaliation for the French-led intervention, the hijackers claimed. Twenty-nine militants and 37 hostages, three of them Americans, died when Algerian troops retook the facility.

 

The backlash in Algeria could be symptomatic of a new era of war, in which swift, high-tech military operations leave instability, insurgency and terrorism in their wakes. The difference between this era and the previous decade of battle is that the U.S. and its allies are no longer prepared to indefinitely deploy tens of thousands of troops to maintain security.

 

In a foreboding sign that “liberated” Mali might descend into insurgency, on Sunday militants traveling in canoes infiltrated Gao, earlier the site of the suicide bombing, and launched three separate attacks on French and Malian troops. “These attacks were quickly brought under control by Malian armed forces,” the French defense ministry announced.

 

Abou Walid Sahraoui, a militant spokesman, rejected that assessment. “The combat will continue until victory, thanks to God’s protection,” he told Agence-France Presse. “The mujahedeen are in the city of Gao and will remain there.”

Now what, indeed.

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14 février 2013 4 14 /02 /février /2013 13:48

Nuclear north korea

 

February 14, 2013: Strategy Page

 

The newly elected South Korean president made it clear that she would take a hard line against North Korea, not encourage friendlier relations. This includes the new threat of a pre-emptive attack on North Korea if there was any suspicion that the north was going to use nukes. South Korea also confirmed that it had deployed a new cruise missile that can reach targets anywhere in North Korea. This was no surprise as last year it was announced that South Korea would purchase and deploy over a thousand new ballistic and cruise missiles over the next five years. These would be aimed at specific North Korean missile launchers and artillery positions. In the event of a war, the South Korean missiles would be quickly launched and every North Korean missile or artillery weapon eliminated would mean less destruction in South Korean territory. The North Korea plan had always been to start any future war with an enormous bombardment by shells, rockets, and missiles. Most would be aimed at the South Korean capital, and largest city, Seoul.

 

In the last year the government revealed the existence of more of these locally developed missiles. A year ago South Korea made public the fact that it had a new cruise missile (apparently the Hyunmoo 3) and ballistic missile ready for service. South Korea is usually secretive about its battlefield missiles. Four years ago South Korean media reported that a new cruise missile, with a range of 1,000 kilometers, had secretly entered production in 2008. Called Hyunmoo 3, it has since been superseded by the Hyunmoo 3C missile, which has a range of 1,500 kilometers and is being deployed along the North Korean border, aimed at ballistic missiles, nuclear weapons, and other strategic targets to the north. This is apparently the new cruise missile announced today.

 

Despite the U.S. refusal to help, South Korea developed a 180 kilometer range ballistic missile (Hyunmoo 1) and a 300 kilometer one (Hyunmoo 2) in the 1980s. Both are about 13 meters (40 feet) long and weigh 4-5 tons. Both of these were based on the design of the U.S. Nike-Hercules anti-aircraft missile, which South Korea used for many years.  Cruise missiles are simpler technology, and apparently the Hyunmoo 3 is made entirely with South Korean developed components. Like the Tomahawk, Hyunmoo 3 appears to be about 6 meters (19 feet) long, weighs 1.5 tons, has a half ton warhead, and is launched from hidden (in the hills facing North Korea), and probably fortified, containers. North Korea has about 600 ballistic missiles aimed at South Korea.  The longer range of the Hyunmoo 3C enables it to hit any target in North Korea and is apparently intended to knock out transportation and supply targets deep inside North Korea. With a range of 1,500 kilometers the missile could also hit targets in China and Russia.

 

Two years ago South Korea moved some of its U.S. built ATACMS (Army Tactical Missile Systems) guided missiles close to the North Korean border. ATACMS is a 610mm rocket that fits in the same size container that normally holds six 227mm MLRS rockets. The ATACMS version in South Korean service has a range of 165 kilometers. That makes it capable of reaching many targets in North Korea but not the capital (Pyongyang, which is 220 kilometers north of the DMZ). There is a version of ATACMS with a range of 300 kilometers but South Korea does not have any. ATACMS is fired from the American MLRS rocket launcher. South Korea only has 220 ATACMS missiles. All of them have cluster bomb warheads. Half of them are unguided and have a range of 128 kilometers. The others have smaller warheads, GPS guidance, and a range of 165 kilometers. This is apparently the version moved close to the border, in order to make the North Koreans nervous. South Korea originally bought ATACMS in 1998, to have a weapon that could go after distant North Korean artillery and large concentrations of tanks.

 

North Korea desperately needs operational nuclear weapons because its conventional forces have been falling apart since 1991 when the Soviet Union collapsed and military and economic aid from Russia ceased. There was not enough money (even though over 30 percent of GDP goes for the military) to maintain and upgrade the million man armed forces. Over the last few years the troops have been getting less food, something unheard of in the past. There is much less fuel for training, which leaves pilots and ship crews inexperienced and much less effective than their South Korean counterparts. Equipment is largely Cold War era stuff, much of it 30-40 years old. Thus the conventional military threat to South Korea (which has greatly modernized its forces in the last two decades) is going, going and now gone. Nuclear weapons restore the North Korean threat to its neighbors. This enables North Korea to demand free food, fuel and other aid. This makes it possible for the North Korea leadership to survive, because at the moment the population is becoming more unruly and hostile to their rulers.

 

The third North Korean nuclear test was condemned by all (except the usual suspects, like Iran) and especially by China. While always opposed to North Korean nukes, China has never done anything about it. But this time the Chinese publically warned North Korea that if there was another test there would be serious consequences. Cutting off Chinese aid and trade would be catastrophic for the north because China is the major (and practically only) trading partner. North Korea’s illegal exports (weapons, drugs and so on) get out via China. Closing the door on North Korean aid and trade would doom the North Korean government and lead to chaos. The other option is to stage a coup and put pro-China and pro-economic reform people in charge. China has been recruiting a network of pro-China officials in North Korea for years. This is done in secret, and the North Korean leaders have been increasingly active in retiring, demoting or firing anyone who is suspected to be part of this group. Well, not anyone, as that would eliminate a third or more of the ruling class, including many people in the secret police and technical organizations with critical skills. China is expected to support new international sanctions against North Korea. In the past China has not enforced these sanctions. The new ones would be directed at more individual North Koreans, making the sanctions rather more personal.

 

In the north the big crackdown on illegal cell phone use near the Chinese border has failed. People found ways to defeat the imported cell phone signal detectors (by using an earpiece and walk around or cycle in a crowded areas). Those who are caught find the special secret police personnel brought in for this duty are willing to take a bribe most of the time. So information continues to get in from China and the world. News of Chinese threats over the nuclear tests are causing great unease in the north.

 

China sent some mobile radiation monitoring teams to the area near its North Korean border to check for any radiation from the recent North Korean underground nuclear test. China already has 25 permanent automated radiation monitoring stations along the border and they showed no increase in radiation.

 

February 12, 2013: North Korea, as expected, conducted its third nuclear weapons test. This one appears to be seven kilotons and a complete detonation. The last nuclear test was a five kiloton weapon in 2009 and the first one was three years before that. Western intelligence believed that the original North Korean nuclear weapon design was flawed, as the first test was only a fraction of what it should have been (less than a kiloton equivalent in high explosives), and is called in the trade, a "fizzle." The second test was a complete detonation and apparently a much modified version of the original design. Thus North Korea needed more tests to perfect their bomb design and is still years away from a useful nuclear weapon even though the second bomb appeared to be more effective. The third test was considered overdue and that may have been because more time was spent designing and building a smaller device that could fit into a missile warhead. U.S. intelligence agencies have collected air samples (as have most other neighboring countries) from the test which can tell much about the design of the bomb. Results of that analysis may take a week or more to appear.

 

February 7, 2013: A North Korean propaganda, showing the north using nuclear weapons against the United States, was removed from YouTube because of copyright infringement. The video shows the aftermath of a nuclear strike in what appeared to be an American city. This was a video clip taken from a recent computer game (Call of Duty: Modern Warfare 3) and the publisher had the video removed for that violation.

 

January 31, 2013: Google announced more data for its recently announced map of North Korea for Google Maps. North Korea does not release maps, as they are considered military secrets. The Google Maps data was acquired using crowdsourcing and services like Google Earth that constantly produces vast quantities of new data. The new North Korean map shows locations of roads, prison camps and military bases that North Korea had long considered secret information (a common practice in communist dictatorships).

 

January 30, 2013: South Korea used a locally made rocket to launch its first satellite. In December North Korea launched a satellite, which has been silent since it went up. The South Korean satellite is working perfectly.

 

North Korea ordered an increased state of military readiness in response to the latest UN sanctions. Movement across the country has been restricted and reservists have been called up. All this is theater to distract people from the fact that they are hungry and there isn’t much heat or electricity. The movement restrictions make it more difficult to move food and fuel to areas where it is most needed.

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14 février 2013 4 14 /02 /février /2013 13:35

http://4.bp.blogspot.com/-ITsAvvupbZI/URoMB6DxjfI/AAAAAAAATag/JUPCgeAzoyY/s1600/ZW-4301-2_zpsaff7c4c9.jpg

 

February 14, 2013 by Shiv Aroor - Livefist

 

This is an unedited statement by the MoD on the acquisition of VVIP helicopters for the IAF, currently suspended after the arrest of Finmeccanica CEO Giuseppe Orsi.

 

The Facts: In August 1999, the IAF which is responsible for carrying out VVIP communication task, proposed the replacement of Mi-8 VIP helicopters due to severe operational constraints, such as, inability of Mi-8 to operate at night and in adverse weather, inability to operate safely at places in elevation beyond 2000 meters etc. IAF felt the need for the replacement of Mi-8 helicopters as they were completing their total technical life.

 

2.           A global RFP was issued in March 2002 to which 4 vendors responded. The Technical Evaluation Committee shortlisted 3 helicopters and accordingly flight evaluations were conducted.  Since, EH-101 of M/s. AgustaWestland was not certified for an altitude of 6000 meters, it did not participate in the flight evaluation. The Russian helicopter Mi-172 could not comply with 7 mandatory Operational Requirements (ORs).  After flight evaluation, EC-225 of M/s. Eurocopter, France was found suitable for acquisition.

 

3.           On November 19, 2003 a meeting was taken by Principal Secretary to PM on this subject.  In the meeting, Principal Secretary observed that his main concern was that the framing of the mandatory requirements has led us effectively into a single vendor situation.  It was also noted that PM and President have rarely made visits to places involving flying at an altitude beyond 4500 meters.  In the meeting it was decided to make the mandatory requirement for operational altitude 4500 meters.  The higher flying ceiling of 6000 meters, and a cabinet height of 1.8 meters could be made desirable operational requirements.  It was observed that with these revisions, several helicopters which otherwise met all requirements but had been rejected due to the altitude restriction, would now come into the reckoning.

 

4.           The meeting was followed by a letter dated 22nd December, 2003 from the Principal Secretary to PM to the Air Chief, stating that it was unfortunate that neither PMO nor SPG was consulted while framing these mandatory requirements.  He suggested that CAS and Defence Secretary may jointly review the matter to draw up realistic mandatory requirements satisfying operational, security and convenience requirements of VVIPs and also set in motion a fast track process for selection and acquisition of the replacement helicopters.

 

5.           In pursuance of the above directive, the ORs were deliberated at length between IAF, NSA, SPG/PMO and MoD between March, 2005 to September, 2006 and the above indicated changes were incorporated.

 

6.           The required numbers of helicopters for the entourage of VVIP was further deliberated between Air HQ, MoD and SPG/PMO. The quantity of helicopters proposed for procurement was revised from 8 to 12 helicopters by adding 4 helicopters in non-VIP configuration for security reasons.

 

7.           The AON for the procurement of 12 helicopters was accorded by the Defence Acquisition Council under ‘Buy’ category with 30 percent offsets on 3rd January, 2006.  RFP was issued to 6 vendors on 27th September, 2006.

 

8.           Three vendors, namely M/s Sikorsky, USA (S-92 helicopter), M/s AgustaWestland, UK (EH-101 helicopter) and M/s. Rosoboronexport, Russia (Mi-172 helicopter) responded to the RFP.

 

9.           M/s. Rosoboronexport did not submit earnest money deposit and the Integrity Pact, along with their Technical and Commercial proposals. It had been made clear to M/s Rosoboronexport in February 2007 that this was a global tender and hence every contractual clause would be the same for all vendors.  As no Integrity Pact and Earnest Money Deposit were received from M/s Rosoboronexport, their Techno-Commercial offer was not accepted.

 

10.       The Technical Evaluation Committee evaluated the technical proposals of M/s Sikorsky and M/s AgustaWestland and recommended field evaluation trials of their helicopters.

 

11.       The Field Evaluation Trial of M/s AgustaWestland was carried out in UK and trials of M/s Sikorsky were carried out in USA from 16 January 2008 to February 2008.  The Field Evaluation Trial team submitted its report in April 2008 and recommended AW-101 helicopter of M/s AgustaWestland for induction into Service.  SPG was also part of the Field Evaluation Trial team.

 

12.       The Staff Evaluation Report of Air HQ concluded that the S-92 helicopter was non-compliant with respect to four SQRs for the VVIP helicopter (Missile Approach Warning System, Service Ceiling of 4.5 km, Drift Down Altitude and Hover Out of Ground Effect).  The Staff Evaluation Report assessed the VVIP helicopter AW-101 to be fully compliant with all SQRs.

 

13.       Technical Oversight Committee constituted on 6 August 2008 found that the field evaluation trials, compliance to SQRs and selection of vendors were done according to the prescribed procedures.

 

14.       Contract Negotiation Committee (CNC) was constituted and it carried out its discussions with the vendor between 19 September 2008 and 21 January, 2009.  While the CNC was progressing its discussions, Air HQ, recommended inclusion of Traffic Collusion Avoidance System (TCAS-II) and Enhanced Ground Proximity Warning System (EGPWS) for all 12 helicopters and SPG/PMO recommended inclusion of Medevac System for 8 VVIP helicopters.  These additional equipment were considered to be essential for safe and effective operation of the helicopter in VVIP transportation role.  SPG also agreed to these requirements.  The CNC, thereafter, recommended conclusion of the contract at a negotiated price of EURO 556.262 million. 

 

15.       On completion of CNC the proposal was submitted for approval of the Cabinet Committee on Security (CCS).  The CCS considered the proposal in its meeting held on 18 January 2010 and approved the proposal.

 

16.       In pursuance of the decision of the CCS the Ministry of Defence concluded a contract for the supply of 12 AW-101 VVIP helicopter with M/s AgustaWestland, UK on 08 February, 2010.

 

17.       The procurement case was, thus, progressed in accordance with the established procurement procedure in a transparent manner with all stages of procurement being followed meticulously.   Security aspects as required by SPG/PMO and IAF were fully taken into consideration.  The role of PMO which began in 2003 was to ensure that security, communication and other requirements of VVIP security were taken care of and the helicopter for VVIP use is selected on the basis of broad based QRs.

 

18.       Contract signed with M/s. AgustaWestland includes specific contractual provisions against bribery and the use of undue influence.  Article 22 of the contract deals with penalty for use of undue influence.  This clause entitles the ‘Buyer’ to cancel the contract with the ‘Seller’ and recover from him the amount of any loss arising from such cancellation.  Article 23 of the contract dealing with agents and agency commission requires the ‘Seller’ to confirm and declare that he has not engaged any individual or firm, whether Indian or foreign, whosoever, to intercede, facilitate or in any way to recommend to the Government of India or any of its functionaries, whether officially or unofficially, to award of the contract to the ‘Seller’ nor has any amount been paid, promised or intended to be paid to any such individual or firm in respect of any such intercession, facilitation or recommendation.  This clause further entitles the ‘Buyer’ to consider cancellation of the contract without any entitlement or compensation to the ‘Seller’ who shall be liable to refund all payments made by the ‘Buyer’ in terms of the contract along with interest.

 

19.       In addition to the above contractual provisions, M/s. Agusta Westland has signed an Integrity Pact with the Government.  The validity of this Integrity Pact is from the date of its signing and extends up to five years or the complete execution of the contract whichever is later.  Under the Integrity Pact, the bidder commits himself to take all measures necessary to prevent corrupt practices, unfair means and illegal activities during any stage of the bid or during any pre-contract or post-contract stage.  Any breach of the provisions of the Integrity Pact entitles the ‘Buyer’ to take actions against the ‘Seller’ which includes forfeiture of the earnest money, performance bond, cancellation of the contract without giving any compensation, to recover all the sums already paid with interest, to cancel any other contracts with the bidder and to debar the bidder from entering into any bid from the Government for a minimum period of five years which may be extended, etc.

 

20.       As regards, the allegations of unethical dealings in helicopter procurement case including involvement of middleman and payment of bribes etc., the first report in the media appeared in February 2012.

 

21.       Immediately (the next day after the news item appeared in the papers) DG(Acq) in MoD sought a factual report in the matter from our Embassy in Rome.

 

22.       MoD also noted the report in the ‘Hindu’ of 28.2.2012 that, quoting Finmeccanica, states that its subsidiary AgustaWestland is not involved in “any irregularity in the deal”.

 

23.       Subsequently, MoD received more than one communication from M/s AgustaWestland confirming that the statements in the press are “completely    unfounded and have been issued with malicious intent” and that “no commissions whatsoever were paid” in the case.

 

24.       In April 2012, MoD wrote again to our Embassy in Rome seeking an update.

 

25.       A detailed report on the status of the case was received from our Embassy in Rome in May 2012.  The report made it clear that there are inherent difficulties in obtaining formal details of the case given the independence of the judiciary from the executive in Italy.

 

26.       MoD in July 2012 wrote to our embassy in Rome stating that it could approach the concerned judicial authorities directly.  A formal request was indeed made by the embassy to the Naples prosecutors office on July 16, 2012.

 

27.       Since factual information was difficult to arrive at, Defence Secretary wrote to Secretary (West), MEA, in October 2012 reiterating the importance of the need to get information from the Italian authorities so that MoD could take further necessary action in this regard.

 

28.       MEA’s response again was that the matter had been taken up with the Italian side and the position conveyed for the need for ‘reliable information’, for “news reports alone could not be the basis for the Ministry of Defence to make any preliminary determination”.

 

29.       In October 2012 Defence Secretary also wrote to Secretary (West) to take up the matter with the Government of U.K.  in view of the alleged involvement of a British citizen and the fact that the contract was signed with M/s AgustaWestland, U.K.

 

30.       In November 2012, Secretary (West), MEA, replied to Defence Secretary stating that ‘the U.K. authorities were waiting for the results of the Italian investigation in order to ascertain whether there are further actions to take’.

 

31.       Earlier, in connection with the letter received from one

Mr. Edmund Allen of Ganton Limited, USA, MoD had written on 19.4.12 to CBI and Enforcement Directorate for necessary action, as Abhishek Verma and others were also being named in various media reports in connection with several defence deals.  Later, Enforcement Directorate informed MoD in July 2012 that they were enquiring into the allegations.

 

32.       In November 2012, a letter was received in MoD from the Director, Income Tax (Investigations) regarding allegations against Indians possibly involved in the deal as middlemen and seeking information about them.  The current status of the case was conveyed to the income tax authorities in January 2013; in return, MoD asked Income Tax to share with it any ‘credible information’.

 

33.       Throughout the process of this case, MoD has been prompt to take action on newspaper reports, and to seek factual information from the concerned authorities.  Since foreign governments are involved, MoD has consistently pursued the matter though MEA.

 

34.       As soon as information was available of one concrete step having been taken by the concerned foreign investigative authorities, namely, the arrest of Mr. Giuseppe Orsi, CEO, Finmeccanica on Feb 12, 2013. MoD handed over the case to CBI for investigation and put on hold all further payments to Agusta Westland.  Besides this, the Indian Embassy has been requested to provide the factual position and any other relevant information.  The CEO of M/s AgustaWestland has also been asked to categorically state the clear position in view of the current developments indicating specifically if any financial transaction has taken place with any Indian individual / entity which would be violative of the Integrity Pact or any other terms and conditions of the contract.

 

35.       As already mentioned above, both the contract and integrity pact signed with M/s AgustaWestland, U.K., contain specific provisions by which strict action including cancellation of contract, recovery of payment, blacklisting and penal action can be taken against the vendors.  Government is determined to take all possible legal and administrative action against the guilty parties and accordingly has ordered a thorough probe by CBI.

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14 février 2013 4 14 /02 /février /2013 07:45

zone action-1024x716

 

February 13, 2013:  Strategy Page

 

About 2,500 of the 5,000 African peacekeepers have arrived and the rest will be in Mali by the end of the month. France is still planning to withdraw most of its 4,000 troops by the end of March. The arriving African force was organized by ECOWAS (Economic Community of West African States) and supported by the UN and Western nations. The Mali government (led by men approved by a group of rebellious army officers) is opposed to a UN led peacekeeping force in Mali. That’s because the UN is hostile to the Mali Army control over the government. The army has agreed to new elections, but that is thought to be mainly because the UN was withholding over $300 million in economic aid until the army agreed to new elections.

 

The problem between the army and the politicians is corruption. Mali has held a lot of elections but those elected always turn out to be corrupt and inept. Junior army officers staged their first coup 11 months ago, as al Qaeda and Tuareg tribal rebels were seizing control of the north. The UN and ECOWAS forced the army to accept a civilian government in April if there was to be help in regaining control of the north. But last December the army forced out the caretaker (until elections) civilian officials and replaced them with pro-army civilians. The army wants to run the country until honest candidates can be found for a civilian government. This sort of thing rarely works, as the entire government is corrupt and just changing a few people at the top does not solve that. The army ends up joining in with the corrupt practices and so it goes. The elections are scheduled for July 31st. 

 

Most al Qaeda (up to 2,000 armed men) have fled for the Adrar des Ifoghas, a 250,000 square kilometers mountainous plateau near the Algerian border. Long dominated by Tuareg tribes, al Qaeda has maintained bases up there for years. In the last week French warplanes have bombed at least two dozen al Qaeda bases in those hills. Al Qaeda activity in this area has been mapped with reconnaissance aircraft and satellites and some troops on the ground. Several hundred Chadian troops have been sent into this area. The Chad soldiers are experienced at fighting in this kind of terrain and have some French troops (to handle calling in smart bombs) and Mali Tuaregs (as guides, negotiators, and translators) along. While many civilians in the Adrar des Ifoghas are hostile to the Mali government and depend on al Qaeda for cash (obtained from kidnapping ransoms and drug smuggling), they are also angry at the way al Qaeda forced Tuareg rebels out of the northern Mali cities last June. The Chadian troops hope to avoid fighting the locals and concentrate on scattering the al Qaeda men into the desert, where they can be more easily attacked from the air. The Islamic terrorists know how the French smart bombs work and will likely fight to the death in their village bases.

 

Tessalit and the Adrar des Ifoghas mountains source BBC

 

There are apparently already small groups of French commandos in the Adrar des Ifoghas. These men are there to get a better idea of how well al Qaeda survived their retreat north. French warplanes found and bombed some of those convoys (of cars, pickups, and trucks) that brought the Islamic radicals from cities like Gao, Kidal, and and Timbuktu to mountain refuges near the Algerian border. This journey took up to ten hours, with the vehicles visible from the air on desert roads. Hundreds of terrorists were believed killed on those few roads by French warplanes. The French commandos are seeking to find out what shape the survivors are in and how many of them are up in the hills. 

 

February 11, 2013: Al Qaeda called for an international holy war against France and other non-Moslem nations for sending troops into northern Mali to drive out al Qaeda forces that had controlled most of the area for the last eight months. Al Qaeda is particularly eager to get Moslems in the West to help out. France recently arrested four African Moslems in France who were plotting to send aid to al Qaeda in Mali.

 

French and Malian troops searched the city of Gao for any more al Qaeda fighters after weekend violence involving a group of al Qaeda gunmen who got into the city and seized the police headquarters building (which al Qaeda had used as a headquarters until recently). These attackers apparently came from Niger (and paddled across the Niger River) and from among Malian al Qaeda sympathizers who lived in the city and were able to remain behind when most of the al Qaeda men (most are foreigners) fled the city.

 

February 10, 2013:  About twenty al Qaeda men, aided by local sympathizers who had a hidden stocks of weapons, got into Gao and occupied the police headquarters. They were surrounded by French troops and killed after several hours of shooting. Many Malian al Qaeda come from Gao. The al Qaeda men who occupied Gao for ten months belonged to MUJAO. There are three different Islamic radical groups in the north. Ansar Dine (which controlled Timbuktu) is from Mali and led by Tuareg Islamic radicals.  MUJAO  (Movement for Unity and Jihad in West Africa) controlled Gao and is from neighboring Mauritania. Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb (AQIM) has members from all over North Africa but mostly from Algeria. MUJAO is basically a Mauritanian faction of AQIM and there is some tension between the two groups. AQIM has the most money and weapons and uses this to exercise some control over the other two radical groups (who outnumber AQIM in Mali). Both these groups are sometimes at odds with Ansar Dine, which felt it should be in charge because it is Malian. Until a few months ago all three groups cooperated in order to maintain their control of the north. Then Ansar Dine began negotiating with the Mali government for a separate peace and some kind of compromise over Tuareg autonomy in the north. In part this was because MUJAO and AQIM were bringing in reinforcements from Morocco, Western Sahara, Algeria, Pakistan, Egypt, Yemen, Nigeria, and Sudan and threatened to reduce the area Ansar Dine controls. Ansar Dine sees itself as the only Mali group in the Islamic radical government up north and is determined to defend Tuareg interests against the many foreigners in MUJAO (which has many Malian members) and especially AQIM (which wants to run everything). Ansar Dine sees AQIM as a bunch of gangsters, dependent on its relationship with drug gangs (al Qaeda moves the drugs north to the Mediterranean coast) and kidnappers (who hold Europeans for multi-million dollar ransoms). All this cash gives AQIM a lot of power, both to buy weapons and hire locals. With the high unemployment in the north and the image as Islamic warriors, working for AQIM was an attractive prospect for many young men. Most of those new recruits deserted as their employers fled the advancing French. Some Tuareg factions have made peace with the Mali government and are cooperating in the hunt for al Qaeda fighters. But other Tuareg factions have not decided yet, even as they are threatened with smart bomb attacks if they make a move against the pro-government forces that have taken back control of the north. If the government can negotiate an autonomy deal with the Tuaregs in the north, that will go a long way towards making the area more hostile for al Qaeda. But it’s not certain that such a deal will be made.

 

February 9, 2013: Outside of Gao, an Arab suicide bomber attacked Malian soldiers at a roadblock. Only the bomber was killed and several soldiers wounded. Malian troops panicked and some left their guard posts around Gao for a while. Malian troops did arrest two local men who were found to be carrying explosives.

 

February 8, 2013: In the north French and Malian troops captured the oasis town of Tessalit, which is 70 kilometers from the Algerian border and in the Adrar des Ifoghas. It is one of the larger towns in the area with a population of about 5,000. The French troops parachuted in and seized the small airport. Malian troops, supplies, and vehicles were then flown in. A small force of French troops, with some wheeled armored vehicles, drove in from the south as well.

 

In the capital army troops were ordered to surround the base of the paratroop regiment. This unit is still loyal to the elected president, who was removed from power by the army last year. This was the second coup in a year and the paratroopers did not support it. The paratroopers had been ordered north to fight the Islamic terrorists but wanted to go as a unit, not piecemeal. The paratroopers feared that the coup leaders would have them arrested if they went north in smaller numbers. Negotiations between paratroop and coup leaders settled the dispute before it could escalate into a major battle.

 

In Gao a suicide bomber attacked an army checkpoint, killing only himself.

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14 février 2013 4 14 /02 /février /2013 07:45

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Exercice en Atalante

 

13/02/2013 Actu Marine

 

Le 3 février 2013, la frégate de type Lafayette Courbet, a appareillé de Toulon pour un important déploiement de 4 mois. Actuellement en route vers Djibouti, elle sera intégrée d’ici quelques jours à la Task Force 465 qui mène l’opération de lutte contre la piraterie Atalante en océan Indien, puis reviendra au mois d’avril en méditerranée orientale avant de rallier son port-base à la fin du mois de mai.

 

http://www.defense.gouv.fr/var/dicod/storage/images/base-de-medias/images/marine/photos-des-breves/surveillance-des-approches-c-marine-nationale/2179897-1-fre-FR/surveillance-des-approches-c-marine-nationale.jpg

Surveillance des approches

 

Après plusieurs semaines d’entraînement, le Courbet vient de quitter son port-base pour relever son sistership, le Surcouf, le 18 février à Djibouti. C’est à cette date que la frégate prendra pleinement part à l’opération Atalante, action européenne lancée en 2008 qui vise à contribuer à la protection des navires qui acheminent de l’aide alimentaire en Somalie, à la protection des navires vulnérables naviguant dans le Golfe d’Aden, et à dissuader, prévenir et réprimer tout acte de piraterie au large des côtes. Cette zone du globe est en effet stratégique puisque près de 20.000 navires y transitent chaque année, acheminant ainsi 30% des approvisionnements européens en pétrole et gaz.

 

Le transit vers l’océan Indien demande près de deux semaines de navigation, la frégate Courbet en profite alors pour répéter les gestes et les procédures qui seront nécessaires au bon déroulement de la mission opérationnelle qui lui est dévolue, et multiplie ainsi, jour après jour, nuit après nuit, les entraînements.

 

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Dauphin Marine nationale

 

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Exercice en Atalante

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Opération Serval

 

14/02/2013 Mer et Marine

 

Sur la route de Libreville, où il doit livrer du matériel aux Forces Françaises au Gabon, le roulier Louise Russ s’est arrêté hier au Sénégal. Le navire, affrété par le ministère de la Défense pour les besoins logistiques des armées, profite de sa rotation en Afrique pour acheminer une cargaison destinée aux unités déployées au Mali. La projection par voie maritime de moyens terrestres dans le cadre de l’opération Serval a déjà impliqué deux bateaux, le bâtiment de projection et de commandement Dixmude, qui a débarqué à Dakar un groupe tactique interarmes (GTIA) fort de 500 militaires et 140 véhicules, ainsi que le roulier MN Eider, qui a acheminé jusqu’au port sénégalais les moyens matériels de la 1ère brigade logistique. Le MN Eider, qui a regagné Toulon lundi après une courte escale à Marseille en revenant d’Afrique, était de nouveau, hier, amarré dans la base navale varoise. Et on pouvait notamment voir les quais des blindés, mais aussi des véhicules de pompiers et de gendarmerie.

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14 février 2013 4 14 /02 /février /2013 07:20

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February 13, 2013:  Strategy Page

 

U.S. Cyber Command (USCYBERCOM) has been operational for two years now and it is encountering some serious problems in recruiting people qualified to deal with the enemy (skilled hackers attacking American networks for whatever reason). People in the software and Internet security business have been telling Cyber Command leaders that they will have to change the way they recruit if they want to get qualified people. That means hiring hackers who lived on the dark side (criminal hacking) at one point or another. Such recruits would not pass the screening usually given to potential government employees who would be handling, and protecting, classified information and critical Internet systems. Few government officials are willing to bend the rules, mainly because no one wants to be responsible for some rogue hacker who got hired without the usual screening. It’s safer to go by the book and use that for your defense when the inadequate recruiting effort leads to a major Cyber War disaster.

 

Cyber Command is headquartered in Fort Meade (outside Washington, DC), most of the manpower, and capabilities, come from the Cyber War operations the military services have already established. Within Cyber Command there are some smaller organizations that coordinate Cyber War activities among the services, as well as with other branches of the government and commercial organizations that are involved in network security. At the moment Cyber Command wants to expand its core staff from 900 to 4,900 in the next five years. Twenty percent of those new people will be civilians, including a number of software specialists sufficiently skilled to quickly recognize skillful intrusions into American networks and quickly develop countermeasures. That kind of talent is not only expensive but those who possess often have work histories that don’t pass the normal screening. These are the personnel Cyber Command is having a difficult time recruiting.

 

The big problems are not only recruiting hackers (technical personnel who can deal with the bad-guy hackers out there) but also managing them. The problem is one of culture and economics. The military is a strict hierarchy that does not, at least in peacetime, reward creativity. Troops with good technical skills can make more money, and get hassled less, in a similar civilian job. The military is aware of these problems, but it is slow going trying to fix them.

 

There have been efforts to fix things. Five years ago, the new U.S. Air For Cyber Command asked for some leeway in recruiting standards and military lifestyle, in order to get the kind of airmen they needed. In a word, the air force wanted geeks, and many of the recruits being sought could not pass the physical fitness test or tolerate the usual military discipline. The more expensive (and increasingly unaffordable) alternative was hiring Internet engineers and hackers as civilian contractors. The air force has, in the meantime, raised its standards for physical fitness, making it more difficult for out-of-shape geeks to get in. But the air force has noted that some hackers are late bloomers. Since air force recruits are the brightest and best educated of all the services, it's been decided to try and identify and train Internet techs from among the new airmen, and then attempt to keep them in for more than one four-year enlistment.

 

Actually, most military personnel these days could just as well be civilians. Armies have always had civilians along, to perform support functions. The historical term is "camp followers." In times past the ratio of civilians to soldiers was often much higher, something like eight civilians for every one soldier. Only the most disciplined armies (like the ancient Romans at their peak) kept the ratio closer to one to one. But when conscript armies became common in the 19th century, it was suddenly cheaper to replace many of those civilians with conscripts (who were paid a nominal wage). Now that armies are going all-volunteer, it's gone back to the old days, where it's cheaper to have civilians perform a lot of support jobs. This is a trend that's been going on in the American armed forces even before conscription was eliminated in the early 1970s. The effort to recruit more Internet geeks will end up gathering up more camp followers, who will stay "in the camp" to do their job and never need venture into a combat zone where the warriors are working. But the competition from the civilian economy for these highly skilled support personnel is something the ancients didn't have to worry about.

 

All current Cyber War operations are dependent on contract workers (civilians) for their top technical talent. There is always a shortage of these people, partly because they have to be capable of getting a security clearance. A lot of otherwise qualified technical personnel won't even apply for these Department of Defense jobs because a background check might reveal earlier hacking misadventures they would rather keep secret. Meanwhile, the Department of Defense has assembled a growing group of civilian Cyber War volunteers. Not all have security clearances but in the event of a national Cyber War crisis, that would be less of an issue.

 

Cyber Command remains partly blinded because it does not have sufficiently skilled people at the heart of their operation who could quickly detect, evaluate, and quickly organize responses to major hacker attacks. At the moment, the most knowledgeable people are working elsewhere (software firms, usually) and have to be asked to help out and are usually nowhere near Cyber Command headquarters.

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HMCS Halifax (FFH 330) en route to Haiti 2010-01-18

 

13/02/2013 par Nicolas Laffont - 45enord.ca

 

Un reportage de Radio-Canada annonce qu’Ottawa a (encore) sous-estimé le coût d’achat de l’un de ces programmes phares, cette fois-ci: les futurs navires de la Marine royale canadienne.

 

Déjà en avril 2012, 45eNord.ca vous apprenait que le coût était sous-estimé, non à cause de l’inflation comme l’annonce Radio-Canada aujourd’hui, mais en raison de la méthode de calcul du gouvernement, qui est la même que pour le F-35.

 

Dans l’article daté du 20 avril dernier, nous vous indiquions qu’une porte-parole du ministère de la Défense nationale, avait déclaré lors d’une interview téléphonique qu’il était impossible de connaître pour l’instant tous les coûts d’exploitation des navires puisqu’ils ne sont pas encore construits et que certains sont encore à l’état de simple dessins sur une planche. «L’évaluation de l’ensemble des coûts ne pourra se faire que lorsque le design des navires sera défini, ce qui devrait être fait dans le courant de l’année [2012].»

 

On parle ainsi d’achat brut. Dans le cas du F-35, les chiffres sont passés de 9 milliards $ à près de 45 milliards tout inclus.

 

Représentation d’un modèle conceptuel du navire de patrouille extracôtier de l’Arctique. (Photo: MDN)

Représentation d’un modèle conceptuel du navire de patrouille extracôtier de l’Arctique. (Photo: MDN)

 

En juin 2010, le gouvernement du Canada a annoncé la mise en place d’une Stratégie nationale d’approvisionnement en matière de construction navale (SNACN). Cette Stratégie a pour but la construction de navires destinés au ministère de la Défense nationale et au ministère de la Pêche et Océans Canada.

 

En janvier dernier 2012, le gouvernement fédéral a annoncé l’octroi de deux contrats pour la construction de ces navires. Le premier, d’un peu moins de huit milliards $ a été donné à Seaspan Marine, dans l’Ouest, pour sept bateaux civils. Quant au deuxième contrat, il a été donné au chantier Irving Shipbuilding Inc. dans l’Est du Canada, à Halifax, pour la construction de 21 navires au coût de 25 milliards $.

 

NOTRE DOSSIER SUR L’ACHAT DE NOUVEAUX NAVIRES >>

 

Aujourd’hui, des sources ont confirmé à Radio-Canada que le principal risque dans l’industrie navale militaire, l’inflation, a été plus que sous-estimé par le gouvernement dans son projet d’achat.

 

Selon David Perry, analyste à l’Institut de la conférence des Associations de la défense, le taux d’inflation annuel dans la construction de navires militaires varie entre 7 % et 11 %.

 

Or, selon des informations obtenues par Radio-Canada, la Marine royale canadienne n’aurait prévu une inflation d’à peine 2,7 %.

 

Pour sa part, le porte-parole libéral John McCallum a déclaré dans un communiqué publié ce mercredi 13 février au sujet des erreurs de calcul du gouvernement conservateur quant aux coûts des navires de soutien interarmées : « Le fait que les conservateurs aient utilisé un taux d’inflation erroné, 2,9 % au lieu de 7 à 11 %, pour calculer le coût du projet des navires de soutien interarmées, démontre clairement leur incompétence ainsi que leur échec persistant à consulter le secteur industriel avant d’établir un budget d’acquisitions de grande envergure.»

 

Le parte-parole libéral a ajouté que «Le manque de diligence de ce gouvernement peut laisser notre force navale avec un financement insuffisant pour acquérir les navires nécessaires pour protéger nos côtes, compromettant ainsi leurs capacités opérationnelles.»

 

Et, cerise sur le gâteau, la construction de ces navires de combat ne pourrait débuter avant 2020, soit cinq ans plus tard que prévu, un délai qui pourrait avoir un impact sur les coûts.

 

Bref, tout va bien!

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13 février 2013 3 13 /02 /février /2013 23:21

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archives - photo AdT

 

13/02/2013 Par Thierry Oberlé Envoyé spécial à Gao – LeFigaro.fr

 

Des équipes de démineurs de l'armée française ont été déployés tôt mercredi matin pour neutraliser un impressionnant stock d'explosifs prêts à l'emploi, dans une propriété où a séjourné un des chefs du Mujao.

 

Au Mali, l'armée française est intervenue mercredi au lever du jour à Gao après la découverte d'un arsenal appartenant au Mouvement pour l'unicité et le djihad en Afrique de l'Ouest (Mujao).

 

Un dispositif d'une cinquantaine d'hommes appartenant à une section de déminage et à une section de protection a été déployé dans le quartier de l'hôtel Askias où sont installés les journalistes étrangers. Les soldats ont trouvé à l'intérieur d'une propriété, dernière résidence connue d'Abdoul Hakim, l'un des chefs du Mujao, un stock impressionnant de bombes. Ils ont démonté quatre fûts de 200 kilos de TATP, un explosif artisanal à base de nitrate. Les fûts étaient reliés par un cordon à des détonateurs. Scellés et isolés, les engins étaient prêts à l'emploi. Seuls manquaient les déclencheurs. Dix autres fûts vides, mais équipés du même dispositif, étaient entreposés dans la cour. Des obus et des munitions étaient conservés à l'intérieur de la maison.

 

La crainte d'attaques kamikazes

 

Omar, un voisin qui n'était séparé de la maison des islamistes que par un mur de la hauteur d'un homme n'osait pas passer la tête pour voir ce qui se tramait. «Ils pointaient leurs kalachnikov sur moi à la moindre occasion. Ils étaient très méchants», dit-il. Hama, la voisine d'en face vivait dans la peur. «On craignait les «peaux blancs» car ils nous chicotaient à la moindre occasion. On voyait entrer et sortir les 4/4 et on les entendait parler arabe», raconte-t-elle.

 

Les djihadistes avaient, semble-t-il, prévu d'utiliser les explosifs pour faire sauter un pont à l'entrée de la ville voici un mois au début de l'opération Serval. Surpris par la rapidité de l'avancée des troupes françaises, ils n'ont pas eu le temps de passer à l'action et ont préféré prendre la fuite.

 

Le dépôt aurait pu servir de réserve pour monter des attaques terroristes. Les infiltrations de djihadistes font en effet craindre des attaques kamikazes d'envergure dans le cadre d'une stratégie de guérilla urbaine. Deux islamistes armés se sont fait sauter le week-end dernier sur des barrages. Dimanche, des combats ont opposé pendant plus de quatre heures les forces malienne et française à des groupes armés dans le centre-ville.

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13 février 2013 3 13 /02 /février /2013 23:00

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archives - photo EMA

 

13 février 2013 10h17 Romandie.com (AFP)

 

GAO (Mali) - L'armée française a désamorcé mercredi matin une bombe artisanale composée de 600 kilos d'explosifs dans le centre de Gao, la grande ville du nord du Mali, a constaté un journaliste de l'AFP.

 

Posé dans la cour d une maison abandonnée, au vu et au su de tous, l'engin, composé de quatre fûts métalliques remplis d'explosifs d'où dépassaient des fils pour la détonnation, se trouvait non loin d'un hôtel ou logent des dizaines de journalistes étrangers. Des cartouches de mitrailleuse lourde traînaient également sur le sol de la cour, ainsi que quelques obus à l'intérieur de la maison.

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13 février 2013 3 13 /02 /février /2013 22:00

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Le chef des putschistes maliens à la tête d’un comité

de réforme de l’Armée (Africapresse)

 

13/02/2013 par Jacques N. Godbout  - 45enord.ca

 

Le capitaine Amadou Haya Sanogo, chef des putschistes qui ont renversé en mars 2012 le président malien Amadou Toumani Touré, a été officiellement investi mercredi à la tête d’un comité de réforme de l’armée.

 

Il avait été nommé à ce poste mais n’avait pas encore été officiellement investi.

 

Le capitaine Sanogo a donc été investi ce mercredi 13 janvier en tant que président du “Comité militaire de suivi de la réforme des forces de défense et de sécurité” lors d’une cérémonie au siège de la présidence, à Koulouba (près de Bamako), en présence du président par intérim Dioncounda Traoré, du premier ministre Diango Cissoko et de plusieurs chefs militaires maliens, tous, ironie du sort, des gens qui lui doivent leur poste.

 

Le coup d’Etat du 22 mars 2012, en plongeant le pays dans le chaos, avait précipité la chute du nord du Mali aux mains de groupes islamistes armés liés à Al-Qaïda.

 

En perte de vitesse depuis le début de l’opération Serval et la reconquête d’un Nord-Mali, le capitaine Amadou Haya Sanogo devrait donc continuer à jouer un rôle après la période de transition, selon la revue Jeune Afrique, qui se demande si celui qui se compare en privé au général De Gaulle se contentera des honneurs qui lui seront faits – avec les prébendes qui vont avec, ou voudra un rôle important dans la transition.

 

Pendant ce temps, l’arrivée des casques bleus de la Misma se précise. Le Conseil de sécurité des Nations unies devrait parvenir d’ici deux à trois semaines à un accord sur le déploiement d’environ 6 000 casques bleus, a déclaré hier, mardi 12 février, le secrétaire général adjoint des Nations unies aux opérations de maintien de la paix Hervé Ladsous.

 

Les casques bleus de l’ONU devraient donc être déployées avant les élections prévues au plus tard le 31 juillet et censées rétablir l’ordre constitutionnel après le coup d’Etat militaire de mars 2012. Les casques bleus déployés au Mali pourraient être environ 6 000.

 

Mais les autorités maliennes, encore sous l’influence des putschistes qui avaient renversés le président Touré, se montrent réticentes.Le déploiement d’une force de maintien de la paix de l’ONU nécessite une résolution du Conseil de sécurité mais aussi l’accord des autorités maliennes.

 

Par ailleurs, une cache d’explosifs a été découverte ce matin à Gao.L’armée française a découvert dans le centre-ville de Gao un dépôt d’explosifs et de munitions appartenant au Mujao (Mouvement pour l’unicité et le djihad en Afrique de l’Ouest), contenant 300 à 400 kilos d’explosifs, notamment des obus, qui auraient pu être utilisés pour des opérations kamikazes menées par les djihadistes.

 

Les forces française et africaines restent vigilantes alors que Gao, la plus grande ville du nord du Mali, a été ces derniers jours le théâtre de violences de la part des groupes islamistes armés qui ont réussi à s’y infiltrer et promis d’y rester pour mener le combat.

 

 

Mali : Gao craint l’infiltration de djihadistes (source: Al-Qarra TV)

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13 février 2013 3 13 /02 /février /2013 22:00

Nato 03

 

MOSCOU, 13 février - RIA Novosti

 

La Finlande n'étudie pas la possibilité d'adhérer à l'Otan, mais envisage de poursuivre sa coopération avec l'Alliance, a déclaré mercredi à Moscou le président finlandais Sauli Niinistö.

 

"Personne n'a jamais fait de telle proposition, et le gouvernement n'examine pas cette possibilité. Les discussions portent plutôt à présent sur la nécessité de réduire nos dépenses militaires en raison d'un manque de financement", a déclaré le dirigeant finlandais.

 

Selon lui, une partie de la société finlandaise est favorable à l'idée d'adhésion du pays à l'Otan, mais il s'agit d'une minorité.

 

Ces dernières années, la coopération entre la Finlande et l'Otan revêt un caractère de plus en plus étroit. Des troupes finlandaises prennent part aux opérations de l'Alliance atlantique en Afghanistan. Des partisans de l'adhésion du pays à l'Otan sont présents dans la plupart des partis politiques finlandais.

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13 février 2013 3 13 /02 /février /2013 20:10
EU Defence Ministers renew their commitment to support UN Peacekeeping

 

13/2/2013 EU source: Council Ref: CL13-016EN

 

Summary: 13 February 2013, Dublin - The Informal meeting of EU Defence Ministers concluded this afternoon in Dublin Castle. The meeting, which is one of the Informal meetings of the Irish Presidency, was chaired by Minister for Justice, Equality and Defence, Alan Shatter TD., on behalf of Baroness Catherine Ashton, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the European Commission.

 

The Ministers discussed a range of issues including the upcoming European Council on Defence, Mali, the Horn of Africa and Partnerships between the EU and the United Nations.

 

Ministers also had the benefit of the presence of the Secretary General of NATO Mr. Anders Fogh Rasmussen and the Under-Secretary General in the Department of Peacekeeping Operations Mr. Herve Ladsous, representing the UN, for the first time, at an EU Defence Ministers meeting.

 

In relation to the European Council on Defence in December, Ministers agreed that this forum would provide them with the opportunity to increase the effectiveness, visibility and impact of Common Security and Defence Policy.

 

Minister Shatter commented:

 

"I consider the discussions that took place over the past two days reflect a renewed impetus for developing military capacity for the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy". He went on to say that "much work remains to be done, specifically in relation to European Council on Defence and I also hope that I will see some new dynamism reflected in a renewed commitment by EU Member States to re-engage with the UN and to support UN Peacekeeping through the provision of the necessary military capabilities, when and where needed. There is a unity of approach from all sides, that view defence as critical to the security of the people of Europe and indeed security in the world.  We need to safeguard those who cannot defend themselves and ensure that we have the requisite defence capabilities to this end".

 

Ministers had a detailed exchange of views in relation to Mali and received a briefing from the Mission Commander Brigadier General Francois Lecointre. The broad consensus arising from the meeting was that this Mission will impact greatly on the prevention of terrorism in the region and safeguard Europe and its citizens in the future.

 

In relation to the agenda item concerning Operations, Ministers received a briefing from Brigadier General Gerald Ahern of the Irish Defence Forces, who is the current Mission Commander for the EU Training Mission in Somalia.  Also, Rear Admiral Robert Tarrant, the newly appointed Operation Commander, gave an update on EUNAVFOR Atalanta. Ministers congratulated the Commanders on the progress that all are making in their respective missions.

 

Partnerships, in particular, between the EU and the United Nations, were the final item for discussion.  This is a priority in the Defence area during the Irish Presidency and this discussion was a natural successor to a very successful seminar held recently, in Dublin Castle, on the subject of Regional Organisations support for the UN. This topic, afforded EU Ministers of Defence and Mr. Ladsous, Under Secretary General, Department of Peacekeeping Operations in the United Nations, the opportunity to discuss how to foster more effective co-operation and build partnerships in order to enhance the effectiveness of UN Peacekeeping operations. Minister Shatter said "we need to overcome the lack of political will in using the EU's military capabilities so as we do the right thing when people are in danger.  It is incumbent on all of us to defend those who require it and we must remember that the Common Security and Defence Policy is there to save peoples' lives. CSDP matters."

 

In relation to the Informal meeting itself, the Minister said, "The meeting of Defence Ministers is extremely important in enabling Member States shape the evolution of the EU's Common Security and Defence Policy, both strategically and operationally. There is great enthusiasm and commitment from all Member States to work together on issues of concern at both national and international level. I am sure that this enthusiasm will remain for the duration of Ireland's Presidency and beyond".

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