Le nouvel émir du Qatar, cheikh Tamim Ben Hamad Al Thani, pourrait annoncer lors de sa visite à Paris avant l'été le choix du Rafale

03/04/2014 Michel Cabirol – LaTribune.fr

Le Qatar pourrait annoncer son choix en faveur du Rafale lors de la visite officielle à Paris au mois de juin du nouvel émir, cheikh Tamim Ben Hamad Al Thani.

Elbit Systems Athos 155mm howitzer (photo : behance)

29.03.2014 Defense Studies

MANILA, Philippines -- Elbit Systems Land and C41, a defense material manufacturer based in Israel, won the bid to supply the Army more than P368 million worth of artillery, a source privy to the bidding said.

“Elbit offers P368,837,332 for 12 pieces of 155 Howitzer canons with accessories and ammunition,” beating Bosnian firm BNT, the source said.

The second conference that concluded with the choosing of the winning bid was held in Camp Aguinaldo.

The defense department’s Bids and Awards Committee for the project is led by Assistant Secretary Efren Fernandez.

Elbit offered its Athos howitzer system.

Bids for the contract were opened on December 5 last year, following a pre-bid conference on November 22.

(Interaksyon)

02 avril 2014 Romandie.com (AFP)

ADEN - Des membres présumés d'Al-Qaïda ont lancé mercredi une attaque contre le QG de l'armée à Aden, dans le sud du Yémen, a indiqué à l'AFP une source de sécurité faisant état de six morts, dont trois militaires, selon un nouveau bilan.

Les assaillants ont pris pour cible le siège de la 4e région militaire basé à Tawahi, un quartier d'Aden, où certains d'entre eux ont réussi à s'infiltrer après l'avoir attaqué aux RPG, a indiqué cette source. Ils ont également fait exploser une voiture piégée à l'entrée du bâtiment.

Au total, six personnes ont péri dans l'attaque, a indiqué la même source, révisant à la hausse un premier bilan de quatre morts.

Trois militaires, un assaillant et deux civils, des piétons, ont été tués dans l'échange de tirs qui a suivi l'attaque, a indiqué la même source en citant un bilan préliminaire, ajoutant que l'accrochage se poursuivait en fin de matinée.

Une source militaire, interrogée par l'AFP, a expliqué que l'assaut avait été mené sur deux fronts.

Un groupe d'assaillants a attaqué le bâtiment par le nord, où certains ont réussi à s'infiltrer en escaladant le mur d'enceinte, alors que d'autres ont fait exploser la voiture piégée à l'entrée des locaux, située plus à l'ouest, a précisé cette source.

Des renforts de la 31e brigade blindée ont été acheminés à Tawahi, dont les entrées et les sorties ont été fermées, a ajouté la source militaire.

Aucune indication n'a pu être obtenue sur le nombre d'assaillants qui, selon la source de sécurité, seraient des membres d'Al-Qaïda.

Un responsable de sécurité, cité par l'agence officielle Saba, a ensuite indiqué qu'il s'agissait d'une attaque suicide menée par des terroristes d'Al-Qaïda.

Les gardes du QG ont mis en échec cette lâche attaque et les forces gouvernementales pourchassaient certains des assaillants qui ont réussi à prendre la fuite après l'attaque, selon Saba.

L'attaque rappelle l'assaut mené début octobre 2013 contre le QG de l'armée à Moukalla, dans le Hadramout voisin, où des insurgés d'Ansar Al-Charia, un groupe extrémiste lié à Al-Qaïda, s'étaient retranchés prenant des soldats en otage. L'assaut s'était soldé par au moins 12 morts.

Mais le réseau extrémiste, qui a multiplié les attaques spectaculaires dans le pays, a porté ses actions à Sanaa où il avait revendiqué un assaut en décembre contre les locaux du ministère yéménite de la Défense, faisant 52 morts.

Al-Qaïda a tiré profit de l'affaiblissement du pouvoir central à la suite du soulèvement populaire de 2011 contre l'ancien président Ali Abdallah Saleh pour renforcer sa présence dans le pays, où il est désormais actif dans le sud et le sud-est.

15/3/2014 Tal Inbar - IsraelDefense

The tendency to regard reports of modern Iranian-made weapon systems as "merely a whim and PR spectacle" notwithstanding, the Iranian UAV industry succeeds in developing vehicles that are worthy of more serious consideration.

Observers of formal Iranian reports dealing with the development of various weapon systems have been familiar, for years now, with the ritual where various weapons are presented to senior officials, normally in the presence of the Iranian Defense Minister, who has the honor of unveiling “the world’s best and most advanced” weapon systems, as they are normally introduced. Knowledgeable authorities in the field of ordnance, platforms and weapon systems, upon carefully examining the images distributed by the various Iranian news agencies, often find themselves chuckling in the face of non-operational systems.

Do the armed forces of Iran rely on weapon systems made of fiberglass and sheet-metal? Apparently, various journalistic sources (worldwide as well as in Israel) tend to dismiss the Iranian presentations as a capricious whim of the Iranian regime or as a spectacle put on for the benefit of the masses of the Iranian people, who are not fully familiar with the intricacies and secrets of the trade.

Over the years, we have become accustomed to seeing tanks mobilized on trailers, old missiles repainted over and over again, and various other outdated items or mock-ups. It would seem, however, that with regard to very few categories, the Iranian presentations are not misrepresentations. This applies, for example, to Iran’s heavy missiles and satellite launchers. Recently, another category of Iranian products has joined the realm of “real stuff” rather than just a spectacle – Unmanned Airborne Vehicles.

In July 2006, during the second Lebanon war, UAVs operated by Hezbollah in Lebanon entered Israel’s airspace. These UAVs, shot down over Israeli territory, were identified by the media as Ababil (“swallow”) UAVs and their technical quality was rather poor. Over the years, Iran presented an extensive range of UAVs at exhibitions, military exercises and through various official publications.

Some of the Iranian developments make one wonder. One example that comes to mind is the Unmanned Combat Airborne Vehicle designated Karrar (“striker”): this turbojet UAV carries unguided GP bombs but does not have even a rudimentary surveillance system. Another example was the public introduction of a UAV fitted with an oversized canopy designed to accommodate a satellite communication system (like similar western vehicles) – while Iran has no communication satellites of its own, and relying on commercial communication satellites for communicating with an operational vehicle of this type appears questionable at best. Many of the experts who evaluated the Iranian capabilities in the field of UAVs tended to remain unimpressed. Apparently, however, the Iranian manufacturing capabilities in the field of UAVs have undergone a substantial change recently, and some of the vehicles unveiled by the Islamic Republic seem fairly advanced, although they tend to resemble western vehicles generally and Israel-made UAVs in particular.

Iran’s latest developments in the field of UAVs are based in part on direct copying of foreign UAVs that had crashed in Iranian territory and were subsequently salvaged, as in the case of the small, tactical ScanEagle UAV built by Boeing (through its subsidiary Insitu), which evolved in Iran into the Yassir UAV. An analysis of various images and video clips distributed by the Iranians has shown that an Iranian facility manufactures copies of the original UAV, and many dozens of UAVs were seen at the facility in various assembly stages. A close examination of the materials released by Iran revealed that the actual building of the Iranian UAV conforms to much higher quality standards than the cruder and more familiar UAVs, including those employed in the skies over Syria – a fact that signifies an improvement in the work and assembly procedures of aerial platforms made from composite materials. One bit of information that has not been clarified until now involves the source supplying the engines for these UAVs – that and the quality characteristics of the payload. It may be assumed, with a high degree of probability, that external resemblance, regardless of how high the quality of the copying has been, cannot necessarily indicate equally high quality standards of the avionics and surveillance systems. This UAV has two configurations that differ in their tail sections.

In October 2013, a Yassir UAV was presented to a Russian military delegation visiting Tehran as a gesture of goodwill, and possibly as an act of defiance toward the USA. In November 2013, clips filmed in Syria began to crop up on the web, showing an airborne Yassir UAV in the service of the Assad regime. Photographs of such vehicles that had crashed or were shot down and subsequently presented to the media by rebel organizations indicate with certainty that the vehicle in question is the Iranian-made UAV. Another interesting UAV presented by Iran is the Shahed-129 (“eye witness”) UAV, defined as a Medium-Altitude, Long-Endurance (MALE) UAV. This UAV was introduced to the world in 2012, and resembles the Elbit System Hermes-450 UAV made in Israel. The vehicle was unveiled initially through a series of rather blurred clips, with no breakdown of its capabilities. In September 2013, during the visit of senior Iranian officials at the plant that manufactures this UAV, additional information was made available. Of particular interest was the fact that this UAV is armed. The ordnance it carries looks like TOW antitank missiles, probably with a laser guidance head. The configuration in which the missiles were presented – carried under the wings of the UAV – was a departure from standard operational installation (which requires canisters), but it was obvious that the two armament suspension points under the wings of the UAV carried four missiles. Photographs enable a close examination of the payload carried by this UAV, which appears to be an industry standard product containing a stabilized camera with day and night channels, and possibly also a system for guiding precision guided munitions. A relatively advanced airborne vehicle, possessing a reasonable carrying capacity and an endurance of twenty hours or more constitutes a major breakthrough as far as Iran’s UAV capabilities are concerned. The operational implication for Israel is fairly obvious and presents a challenge to the Israeli air defense systems. Penetration by a single UAV from Lebanon during peacetime, against which IAF fighters may be scrambled to engage and shoot down the enemy UAV is not the same as the ‘trickling’ of numerous vehicles during an all-out confrontation, during which massive amounts of rockets are also launched into Israel. The status picture of the sky that Israel should assemble, as well as the advance identification required, present complex challenges. It should be stressed, however, that the damage sustained by the State of Israel thus far as a result of penetrating enemy UAVs was mainly a damage to morale, and the Israeli public perceives such incidents as serious and even as “failures”.

The latest innovation presented by Iran, for now (November 2013), is the Fotros UAV, defined by Iranian spokesmen as a “strategic” vehicle. It is a large UAV with a central fuselage and twin-boom configuration and a wingspan of about 15 meters. Its endurance is up to 30 hours, its official service ceiling is up to 25,000 feet and its range is 2,000 kilometers. If these performance characteristics, officially presented by Iran, are reliable, then for the first time, Iran possesses an indigenous UAV capable of flying from Iran to Israel. The UAV was presented in an armed configuration, carrying missiles that resemble the US-made AGM-114 Hellfire antitank missiles. It is unknown whether Iran actually possesses real missiles of the type described above. The resemblance between the Iranian Fotros UAV and the IAI Heron UAV made in Israel was clearly visible, and there is no doubt that the Iranian engineers were “inspired” by the Israeli UAV. One should not rule out the possibility that in their configuration selection considerations the Iranians did not just want to rely on successful and proven designs, but also attempted to reach a high degree of visual resemblance that would make it difficult to identify their UAVs as hostile, thereby improving their survivability should they be employed over Israel. In conclusion, it appears that the Iranian UAV industry has undergone a substantial transformation in recent years, as it currently presents products that are more advanced than those presented in the past. The UAVs we currently see in Iran are employed, in part, in various areas of conflict (Syria, Sudan) and are also being delivered to Hezbollah.

The Israeli defense establishment should pay heed and prepare to deal with these threats well in advance. 

***

The writer is the head of the Space Research Center at the Fisher Institute for Air and Space Strategic Studies

Mar. 31, 2014 - By BURAK EGE BEKDIL  - Defense News

ANKARA — Turkish officials, increasingly wary of a controversial decision in September to select a Chinese company to construct the country’s first long-range air defense system, might consider a more time-consuming but entirely local option for the program.

A senior procurement official said he could not rule out the possibility.

“I think Aselsan has the essential capabilities for [the long-range air and anti-missile system]. This may be a challenge, but not something unattainable,” the official said.

Government-controlled military specialist Aselsan is Turkey’s biggest defense company.

But a second procurement official was more skeptical.

“A preliminary study ... says that it may take no less than 14 years for Aselsan to deliver the system,” he said. “And that’s an optimistic guess.”

An Aselsan official, speaking on condition of anonymity, admitted that his firm would be keen to set out for the job. “An altogether local solution would earn Turkey extremely strategic capabilities it may need for future programs in air defense.”

As for the risk of belated deliveries, he said: “Our development and production efforts may not come sooner than existing foreign options, but there are no guarantees any foreign option will not produce unexpected delays, either.”

Both the government and Aselsan have come under pressure from NATO allies to rethink a September decision to award the US $3.44 billion air defense contract to China Precision Machinery Import-Export Corp. (CPMIEC).

Turkey’s Western allies have said if Turkey finalizes the deal with the Chinese manufacturer, its entire defense cooperation with Western counterparts, including defense and non-defense companies, could be jeopardized.

The Chinese contender defeated a US partnership of Raytheon and Lockheed Martin, offering the Patriot air defense system; Russia’s Rosoboronexport, marketing the S-300; and the Italian-French consortium Eurosam, maker of the Aster 30.

Turkish officials said if contract negotiations with CPMIEC fail, talks would be opened with the second-place finisher, Eurosam. Next in line would be the US bidder. The Russian option was eliminated.

This year, the Turkish government asked the European and US contenders to make new bids by April 30.

The Turkish program consists of a radar system, launcher and interceptor missiles. It has been designed to counter enemy aircraft and missiles. Turkey has no long-range air defense systems.

About half of Turkey’s network-based air defense picture has been paid for by NATO. The country is part of NATO’s Air Defense Ground Environment. Without NATO’s consent, it will be impossible for Turkey to make the planned Chinese system operable with these assets, some analysts say.

But NATO and US officials have said any China-built system could not be integrated with Turkey’s joint air defense assets with NATO and the United States. They also have warned that any Turkish company that acts as a local subcontractor in the program would face serious US sanctions because CPMIEC is on a US list of companies to be sanctioned under the Iran, North Korea and Syria Nonproliferation Act.

In December, Aselsan, potentially CPMIEC’s main Turkish partner in the contract, became the first casualty of US sanctions when Bank of America Merrill Lynch, a US investment firm, pulled out of a joint bid to advise Aselsan on the company’s second listing on Istanbul’s stock exchange, citing Turkey’s contract talks with CPMIEC.

Further talks with two other international banks, Barclays and Goldman Sachs, also have failed. Another Aselsan official said the second listing was not “on hold.”

Both procurement officials said the government is interested in further assessing whether a solution based on Aselsan’s local work would be a good idea. But such a decision would come from the top government levels, and it would await political calm after elections.

Turkey’s embattled government, fighting a series of scandals over fraud and undemocratic practices in the country’s judiciary system, is facing a strong challenge from opposition parties in local elections. Observers agree the polls would be a confidence vote on Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s government, and that the results may force early parliamentary elections this year.

A Feb. 25 meeting of the Defense Industry Executive Committee, which is chaired by Erdogan and oversees top procurement decisions, was indefinitely put off due to political turmoil.

31/3/2014 Or Heller - israeldefense.com

Lebanese news agency reports that the IDF operates an Unmanned Ground Combat Vehicle (UGCV) patrolling along the northern border with Lebanon. Its purpose is to locate demolition charges and holes along the fence

Lebanese news agency reported a military robot moving along the barbed wire fence of Kfar Kila, along with combat aircraft. This is the first time that the IDF operates an UGCV along the fence on the northern border.

According to the report, this is an Unmanned Ground Combat Vehicle which operates as well on the Gaza border. It can carry cameras, sensors, speakers and it can be equipped with weapon emplacements. Its purpose is to locate demolition charges and holes along the fence.

The vehicle is built on a platform of four-wheel vehicles, and is operated by the IDF's operations room near the border fence.

As stated, the project began around the Gaza Strip, and now, apparently, is extended to the northern border of Israel, apparently due to the deterioration of the security situation following the continued civil war in Syria

31 March 2014 By Salman Siddiqui - gulf-times.com

The “omnirole” fighter jet Rafale can “easily” meet all the requirements of Qatar’s defence needs for the present and the future, a top Dassault Aviation (DA) official said recently.

Benoît Dussaugey, DA’s senior executive vice-president (international), told Gulf Times that the French company was in the race to win the multi-billion dollar contract for new fighter jets for Qatar’s Emiri Air Force and was “very confident” of its chances given the “excellent capability” of its aircraft.

“The final decision, of course, is with the Qatari authorities and we are sure that they will choose the best aircraft,” he said.

Dussaugey spoke to Gulf Times on the sidelines of the recently held mega defence exhibition, Dimdex 2014.

The Rafale is in competition with other major fighter aircraft, including the Euro fighter Typhoon backed strongly by the British via BAE Systems and American conglomerate Boeing that was reportedly offering the Super Hornet F-18 and F-15 Strike Eagle.

When asked about the reason for his confidence given that the French company’s jet hasn’t had a major sale in the region yet, Dussaugey said the whole world acknowledges the high performance of Rafale. He also pointed out that while it was true Saudi Arabia went ahead with its Typhoon jet deal, the UAE had backed out of it.

A top BAE System official had told Gulf Times earlier that the Typhoon deal had not gone through in the UAE because of the country’s “budgetary” constraints and had nothing to do with their aircraft’s capability. Dussaugey admitted with a laugh that “we were very happy” when the Typhoon deal did not materialise in the UAE.

The French official said his company was still a big contender in the Middle East market and was looking to bag contracts not only in Qatar, but also other countries such as Bahrain .

Also, France is the only country apart from the US that is able to deploy a large aircraft carrier in the region.

According to IHS Jane’s Defence Weekly, recent years have seen a growing French naval presence in the region, led principally by the nuclear-powered aircraft carrier Charles de Gaulle. At Port Zayed in Abu Dhabi in the UAE, France has opened a new naval base, where Charles de Gaulle in 2010 was one of the first French navy ships to visit.

The aircraft carrier comprises 10 Rafale M and 10 Super Etendard fighter aircraft, as well as two airborne early-warning and control E-2C Hawkeye aircraft, the weekly added.

When asked to comment on the performance of Rafale in the UAE,  the official said: “The Rafale has performed perfectly well in the UAE and we didn’t even need to modify our aircraft in anyway to suit the extremely hot weather conditions of the region.”

He also highlighted the jet’s past military engagements, including in Afghanistan from 2002 to 2011, Libya in 2011 and Mali in 2013.

26/3/2014 Ami Rojkes Dombe - .israeldefense.com

Israel is one of the world's largest arms exporters, so why do the Israeli defense industries find it so hard to maintain their status at the top of the global UAV market?

The State of Israel has been known as a world leader in defense exports in the last few decades, and that includes the success of the Israeli UAV industry. According to a report by the consulting agency Frost & Sullivan, the sales turnover generated by this particular field was US$ 4.6 billion over the last eight years. Much of this success may be attributed to sales of such Unmanned Airborne Vehicles as IAI's Heron, Elbit Systems' Hermes and Aeronautics' Orbiter.

Behind the various news reports that bolster Israeli national pride, lurks a truth that has the potential of overshadowing the accomplishments of this industry in the future. Like other sectors of the Israeli defense industry, the UAV industry also relies primarily on sales to overseas clients, with a ratio of about 20% sales to the local market and about 80% to foreign countries. However, unlike other industries that also focus on exports, like agriculture, fashion or diamonds, the operations of the Israeli UAV manufacturers is subject to the supervision of the Israel Ministry of Defense (IMOD).

This situation has created a complex reality. On the one hand, you have the manufacturers, who need the money from the sales of UAVs to foreign countries in order to exist. On the other hand you have IMOD, which is responsible for promoting their exports while at the same time supervising those exports as well as promoting the development of new technologies. On the face of it, these are two conflicting functions being run under the same umbrella. Support for weapon system sales is provided by SIBAT – IMOD's Defense Export & Cooperation Agency; development of future technologies is the responsibility of MAFAT – IMOD's Administration for the Development of Weapon Systems and Technological Infrastructure, and the regulation of defense exports is the responsibility of API, IMOD's Defense Export Controls Agency (DECA). This reality has created tensions between the Israeli UAV manufacturers and IMOD as the business interests of the industries are not always consistent with government and political interests.

Sources in the industry claim that the State of Israel, through the three IMOD agencies outlined above, fails to manage the UAV market in a manner that would maintain Israel's advantage. "We should bear in mind that this is a small country. The budgets of the IDF and MAFAT are small compared to the USA, Europe or China, so the budgets must be managed intelligently, so as to enable all of the companies to compete in Israel as well as abroad. Instead, every company attempts to eliminate the others in the war over tenders."

The processes that take place under the surface are the result of the UAV export procedures. The first stage involves developing a product or a capability, establishing a company and registering a patent. After the entrepreneur has completed these initial moves, which cost him a lot of money, he should apply to DECA for two permit types. One for marketing (defense marketing permit) and the other for export (defense export permit). The marketing permit allows him to engage in marketing activities, such as meeting with prospective clients, submitting quotes and so forth. The export permit allows him to fulfill deals that had been closed, namely – to actually export the product or knowledge to the foreign client. From that moment on, every activity he initiates in order to carry out a sale overseas must be reported to and sanctioned by the Ministry of Defense.

Sources in the industry claim that this procedure is nothing but over-complicated and burdensome red tape, while IMOD officials claim that these mechanisms were intended to prevent classified technologies from reaching countries that are hostile to Israel – which could undermine the qualitative advantage of the IDF or cause diplomatic problems for Israel vis-à-vis friendly countries: two different viewing angles of the same reality.

As this field is evolving worldwide, it attracts new entrepreneurs: more than 30 UAV companies operate in Israel today. Some of these companies are capable of manufacturing a complete UAV system, which includes the unmanned vehicle and its support systems. This category includes IAI, Elbit Systems and Aeronautics. Other companies manufacture auxiliary and complementary systems such as payloads, control systems or specialized capabilities such as imagery analysis, et al.

What is the actual scope of the global UAV market? According to the National Defense Magazine website, about 4,000 UAVs have been operating worldwide in May 2013. The sales turnover of this market in 2013 was US$ 11 billion according to an AVUSI survey. According to Frost & Sullivan, the global (cumulative) sales turnover in 2011-2020 is expected to exceed US$ 61 billion and according to a report by the Aerospace America organization, some 270 manufacturers from 57 countries, producing a total of 960 different models, are competing for that money.

Like other major technological markets in the world, including cyber, software and biomed, the UAV market provides a field of activity for many entrepreneurs – possibly too many for a small country like Israel. Many of those entrepreneurs had grown up in the major industries or in the military, and made the spin-off into smaller industries. Not all of these smaller industries present new or innovative technologies. This is possibly one of the causes of the fierce competition in the Israeli UAV market. Is the State of Israel simply too small to accommodate so many manufacturers in the same line of business? The answer depends on the party being asked. In effect, IMOD officials say that there is not enough money to promote everyone. On the other hand, the manufacturers expect government support: once again – two different viewing angles of the same reality.

In comparison, the USA has four major UAV manufacturers: General Atomics (which, financially, accounts for one half of the USA UAV market), Northrop-Grumman, Lockheed-Martin and the partnership between Boeing and AAI Textron. Most of the sales of these industries are aimed at the US military, and only 20% of their revenue stems from exports – just the opposite of the situation in Israel.

"The fierce competition notwithstanding, it is the task of the State of Israel to continue to lead the market. Export transactions are the economic engine that enables the continued development of the industry and provides IMOD with the ability to implement the development of cutting-edge operational capabilities for its own needs," says a source in the industry. "Without the exports, we will lose the UAV capabilities that we know today. It is a business cycle that necessitates the promotion of export transactions by the defense establishment."

The importance of the UAV industry to Israel stems from a number of reasons. Firstly, this industry provides the IDF with a qualitative advantage. Today, Israel is second only to the USA in the development of UAV technology. Another reason pertains to business. The sales of the UAV industry generate proceeds from taxes to the national treasure, contribute to the increase in national exports and provide employment to some 3,000 households directly, plus several thousands of households indirectly.

 

Defense Venture Capital Fund

One of the most important arms of IMOD in the context of assisting UAV manufacturers is MAFAT. Although the budget of this unit is never published openly, it is, in fact, Israel's largest government-owned venture capital fund – larger even than the Chief Scientist, an agency that operates under the Ministry of Economy. Why venture capital? Because the money comes from the taxes paid by the Israeli citizens (a part of the national defense budget) and is invested in the development of future technologies. Some of these investments will succeed while others will fail. IMOD invests the money in academic institutions and business companies, and most of it goes to defense industries. There, IMOD says, they know how to develop the weapon systems needed by IDF.

In cases where the research activity succeeds, the resulting technologies can be converted into products ('spin-off') which may be sold to clients overseas. In such cases, the State of Israel is paid a percentage for the initial investment made by MAFAT only for government-to-government (G2G) sales. Hence, IMOD as the fund owner has an interest in investing in the major UAV companies, which stand a better chance of selling their products to other countries. Such transactions will yield, for the State of Israel, a return on its investment.

According to sources in the industry, in the USA, for example, the state compels the winning industry – which is normally one of the major players – to assign parts of the project to smaller companies. In this way, the state looks after everyone. Over there, they also have tenders that are intended exclusively for small industries. "Every small UAV company in Israel would love to work for IAI or Elbit, as that would exempt them from investing in marketing channels on the one hand, while allowing them to continue developing their proprietary technologies on the other hand," say sources in the industry. IMOD officials say, on the other hand, that in the USA there is a process of merging and unification of companies owing to the competition. "Out of ten manufacturers of fighter aircraft they had in the past, only three remained. The same process is underway in the UAV industry as well."

The manufacturers' claims notwithstanding, one should bear in mind that IMOD, as a government agency, takes into account considerations other than just business considerations. For example, upholding the MTCR Treaty – a treaty intended to prevent the proliferation of platforms capable of carrying nuclear weapons. This definition includes long-range missiles and supporting technologies, as well as large UAVs – those capable of flying to a range of more than 300 kilometers while carrying a payload of more than 500 kilograms (Category 1), or those capable of flying to a range of more than 300 kilometers while carrying a payload of less than 500 kilograms (Category 2). Although Israel did not sign this treaty, it upholds it.

The implication of upholding this treaty is that in effect, Category 1 UAVs cannot be exported except by the state, while the exportation of Category 2 UAVs requires the authorization of a special committee, including the attachment of a user's declaration on behalf of the purchasing party. In response to the claims made by some manufacturers, according to which this treaty damages Israel's competitiveness, sources at IMOD explained that the treaty actually contributes to the business interests of the State of Israel. "In the long run, deviating from the treaty will damage the exports of the entire defense industry," says an IMOD official. Beyond that, the State of Israel has a national defense interest in promoting international mechanisms that would restrict the proliferation of technologies designed to carry nuclear weapons.

Along with the MTCR Treaty, Israel also upholds the Wassenaar Arrangement on Export Controls for Conventional Arms and Dual-Use Goods & Technologies – another agreement it did not sign. This international agreement is intended to prevent the proliferation of dual-use goods and technologies, namely – goods and technologies that may be used for civilian as well as for military purposes. This agreement applies to the smaller UAVs that cannot reach ranges of 300 kilometers and are not covered by the MTCR Treaty. In this case, too, it is the interest of the State of Israel to make it difficult for the terrorist organizations to obtain advanced technological resources in the guise of civilian technologies.

On the other hand, sources in the industry claim that this is just another hindrance imposed on Israel's competitiveness in the global market, especially with regard to such sectors as agriculture, energy or homeland security (HLS), where the need for small UAVs is currently evolving. "Today, all UAV elements may be obtained through the civilian market worldwide, which makes it possible for any private party to build a system and operate it under no supervision whatsoever, while we still have to cope with the same supervision as for military systems. If we fail to see to it that the rules are changed, we will not be able to compete in the future world and our technological superiority will vanish," say sources in the industry.

Elbit Systems' Heron 900 (Photo: Elbit Systems)

In arms transactions vis-à-vis international parties, one of the first questions raised by the client is "Is this technology used by the IDF?" Both IMOD and the industry understand that the IDF's seal of approval is an effective opener of doors and pockets abroad.

In this context, sources in the industry say that the larger manufacturers have an advantage, and in effect the smaller manufacturers find it hard to work opposite the IDF and are therefore unable to compete for international tenders. "In the case of the larger industries, a development tender is linked to purchasing and then everything is registered under purchasing and that is reflected in the tender. The small and medium manufacturers cannot even participate in these tenders," say sources in the industry.

In response, sources at IMOD say that in many of the tenders issued for the benefit of the IDF, the smaller manufacturers did not want to participate at all. On the contrary, they say at IMOD, the government sometimes promotes products that are not used by IDF. As an example, the IMOD sources point to the support provided to Urban Aeronautics, a small company from the town of Yavne. Despite the fact that the product in question is not used by IDF, IMOD thought that the technology was unique and invested several millions in R&D and marketing for the company, as well as introducing the company to potential clients in the USA and Europe.

 

"Defense - Not Business"

In addition to the restrictions on exportation, controlled by the government of Israel, another, external variable should be addressed here – the competition in the global market. Although Israel has done well over the last eight years, the evolving UAV market has produced new manufacturers in places where they had never existed before. In addition to the USA, which is regarded as the global leader of this industry, China has begun manufacturing UAVs as well. As with other product categories, China aspires to become the global leader in this field, too – and the prices match its ambitions.

Additionally, UAV manufacturers can now be found in Europe, in Iran, in the United Arab Emirates, in South Africa and in South America. Admittedly, some of these manufacturers have not demonstrated any commercial capabilities yet, but they are definitely on the way. Also, in 2013 France, Italy and Holland, along with Britain, preferred to purchase US-made Predator UAV systems over Israeli systems of the same category. This trend is expected to intensify with the expected pullout of the US forces from Afghanistan and the subsequent 'flooding' of the global market with unmanned systems they had been using over there. Only last year, the US government granted permits for export to 66 countries.

Sources in the industry claim that the gap between the reality of the global market and the export control mechanism of IMOD hinders the growth of exports and could damage Israel's competitiveness in the future. "This cannot work. Defense people cannot supervise business people," they explain. "A former IAF officer does not understand the interests of a UAV manufacturer who sells to clients on four continents. He does not understand the dynamics of doing business in those places. He understands the needs of the IAF and IDF, but he does not know that today you can buy UAV technologies from many sources around the world. If we do not sell, the client will buy it elsewhere."

Apparently, there is a certain degree of consensus around this particular claim, and sources at IMOD say that one of the objectives for the coming year is to improve the UAV export authorization procedure. "This involves streamlining and improving the efficiency of processes, which would shorten the response interval of the manufacturer vis-à-vis the client," IMOD sources explain. If everything goes well, these improvements are expected to become effective in a few months.

Conversely, IMOD sources claim that the fact that the Israeli industry tops the global UAV export charts, even above the US industry, proves the Ministry's liberalism compared to similar agencies in the USA or Europe. These sources further claim that Israeli policy maintains that politicians do not promote specific transactions, but endeavor to promote Israeli industry generally.

So, what can be done after all to overcome the difficulties? Firstly, the supervision and involvement of IMOD in export processes should be adapted to the changes that are taking place in the global UAV market. The technological changes in this market call for procedures and directives that would enable the manufacturer to respond promptly to the client's demands.

IMOD can also compel the larger industries to enable the smaller industries to participate in the tenders it issues as well as in the export permit terms. In most cases, it is public money that finances the technological development and the global marketing of the products by MAFAT and SIBAT, respectively. These funds can be channeled to maintaining the qualitative advantage of the IDF as well as for maintaining the industry. At the same time, it should be emphasized that the budget in question is limited and should be used to support many companies. Consequently, say sources at IMOD, the manufacturers' expectations should match this fact.

Another option is to incorporate the Ministry of Economy in the export control process. At the present time, the decision as to where to export to, how much to export and what to export is an outcome of meetings between SIBAT, API (DECA), MAFAT, MALMAB (the agency in charge of security within IMOD) – all IMOD agencies, other intelligence agencies and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. All of these elements share the same defense or political concept, and adding a body with an economic concept can balance the picture. Admittedly, at IMOD they claim that the contrast between SIBAT and API (DECA) serves this purpose, but in effect, almost all of the officials in these agencies had grown up within the defense establishment and consequently that claim is only partially true.

Yet another move – possibly the most important one – that may be initiated is to encourage an open dialog between the industry and IMOD. This should enable the manufacturers, on the one hand, to present their difficulties and raise them for discussion, while on the other hand providing IMOD with the opportunity to explain its business, political and defense/security considerations. The understanding that there is a direct connection between the successful sales of Israeli UAV systems around the world and the need to maintain and promote the operational advantage of the IDF should constitute the foundation for the claims of both sides. Eventually, the cooperation between the commercial sector and the government sector will determine Israel's share in a highly competitive market.

28/03 Par Alain Ruello - LesEchos.fr

En attendant, les Etats-Unis ont aussi été servis puisque Boeing a vendu 24 hélicoptères d'attaque Apache pour 8,9 milliards de dollars. La Turquie aussi, avec une commande de 17 patrouilleurs pour 220 millions de dollars, selon Jane's. Les navires, destinés aux gardes-côtes, seront livrés entre 2016 et 2018, largement à temps pour participer à la sécurisation de la Coupe du monde de foot de 2022.

PARIS, 31 mars - RIA Novosti

Le secrétaire d'Etat américain John Kerry a assuré à la partie russe que les Etats-Unis s'opposaient à la livraison de lance-missiles sol-air portables en Syrie, a déclaré dimanche soir le ministre russe des Affaires étrangères Sergueï Lavrov.

"Nous avons posé une question sur les informations parues dans les médias, selon lesquelles le président Barack Obama, lors de sa visite en Arabie saoudite, aurait évoqué la livraison de lance-missiles sol-air portables à l'opposition syrienne. John Kerry a clairement confirmé que Washington y était opposé", a indiqué le chef de la diplomatie russe à l'issue d'entretiens avec son homologue américain John Kerry à Paris.

Selon le ministre russe, ceci était tout à fait conforme aux ententes russo-américaines selon lesquelles les lance-missiles sol-air portables ne devaient pas être livrés dans les régions en proie aux conflits.

Se référant à des sources au sein du gouvernement US, l'agence AP a annoncé vendredi que l'administration du président Obama examinait la possibilité de lever l'interdiction de livrer des missiles antiaériens à l'opposition syrienne. Hostile initialement à cette idée, le président Obama pourrait changer d'avis suite aux récentes victoires enregistrées par les troupes gouvernementales syriennes dans leur lutte contre la rébellion.

Samedi, Barack Obama a confirmé son inquiétude face à l'intention de l'Arabie saoudite de fournir des missiles antiaériens et antichars aux rebelles anti-Assad.

29 mars 2014 Romandie.com (AFP)

BAALBECK (Liban) - Au moins trois soldats libanais ont été tués et quatre blessés samedi dans un attentat mené par un kamikaze qui s'est fait exploser à bord de sa voiture devant un barrage militaire proche de la frontière syrienne, a annoncé l'armée.

Un kamikaze a fait exploser sa voiture à son arrivée à un barrage de l'armée dans la région d'Aarsal, dans l'est du Liban, frappé par des violences liées au conflit en Syrie voisine, a précisé l'armée dans un communiqué.

Trois soldats ont été tués et quatre blessés, et l'armée a bouclé le secteur, indique le texte.

Signe des tensions dans la zone, une femme a été tuée et son enfant blessé en soirée par des soldats qui ont ouvert le feu lorsque le véhicule qui les transportait ne s'est pas arrêté à un barrage de l'armée à l'entrée d'Aarsal malgré les injonctions des militaires, a affirmé un porte-parole de l'armée à l'AFP.

Aarsal est une localité libanaise majoritairement favorable à la rébellion syrienne, et qui accueille un grand nombre de réfugiés fuyant les violences en Syrie, ainsi que des rebelles blessés au combat.

Sur Twitter, un groupuscule obscur, le Liwa Ahrar al-Sunna à Baalbeck (Brigade des sunnites libres), a revendiqué cet attentat, affirmant qu'il visait à venger la mort du martyr Sami al-Atrache.

Ce dernier, soupçonné d'implication dans des attentats à la voiture piégée contre des bastions du Hezbollah chiite libanais, qui combat les rebelles aux côtés du régime syrien, a été tué jeudi à Aarsal lors sa capture par l'armée, qui l'a qualifié de dangereux terroriste.

La participation du Hezbollah dans la guerre en Syrie aux côtés des hommes du président syrien Bachar al-Assad a exacerbé les tensions confessionnelles au Liban, les sunnites appuyant pour la plupart la rébellion, tandis que les chiites sont en majorité partisans du pouvoir de Damas.

Liwa Ahrar al-Sunna, qui a fait son apparition il y a quelques mois seulement sur Twitter pour revendiquer des attaques contre le Hezbollah et l'armée, a menacé sur ce réseau social de mener de nouvelles attaques contre l'armée libanaise, qu'il accuse de viser les sunnites.

Les prochains jours verront de nombreuses attaques jihadistes similaires, ce n'est que le début, a prévenu le groupe. Nous avons mis en garde depuis des jours que les exactions de l'armée croisée qui vise les sunnites du Liban n'étaient plus acceptables, a encore tweeté le groupuscule.

Le jour de la mort de Sami al-Atrache, le groupuscule avait indiqué que cet incident allait ouvrir les portes de l'enfer pour l'armée libanaise, affirmant que celui qui tuait un soldat libanais allait au paradis.

L'armée libanaise est accusée par des groupes extrémistes de discriminer les sunnites appuyant la rébellion, tandis qu'elle ferme l'oeil sur l'envoi par le Hezbollah de combattants en Syrie.

Liwa Ahrar al-Sunna avait revendiqué le dernier attentat à la voiture piégée qui a frappé l'est du Liban le 16 mars, faisant deux morts. Le Front al-Nosra au Liban, un groupe soupçonné d'être lié à l'influente branche d'Al-Qaïda en Syrie, avait également revendiqué cette attaque.

Depuis l'été 2013, plusieurs attentats sanglants ont frappé les bastions du Hezbollah au Liban, revendiqués par des groupuscules extrémistes sunnites qui affirment riposter ainsi à l'implication du Hezbollah en Syrie.

L'attentat de samedi intervient quelques heures après un discours du chef du Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah, qui a justifié de nouveau l'engagement de son parti en Syrie.

Le puissant mouvement armé chiite a condamné samedi l'attentat terroriste contre les soldats, affirmant que le terrorisme extrémiste est l'ennemi de tout le monde.

28/03/2014 lorientlejour.com (AFP)

Le président turc Abdullah Gül a démis de ses fonctions le secrétaire d'Etat aux Industries de défense Murat Bayar, réputé favorable à l'achat par la Turquie de missiles sol-air à un groupe chinois controversé, ont rapporté vendredi les médias turcs.

Les raisons du départ de M. Bayar, qui dirigeait depuis dix ans dans ces fonctions les grands programmes d'armement turcs, n'ont pas été précisées.

Ankara a annoncé en septembre avoir retenu l'entreprise China Precision Machinery Import-Export Corporation (CPMIEC) pour l'acquisition de missiles sol-air de longue portée Hongqi, un contrat estimé à 4 milliards de dollars (2,9 milliards d'euros).

La Turquie a justifié son choix par des raisons de prix et de transferts de technologies.

La préférence accordée par les Turcs à cette entreprise, qui fait l'objet de sanctions américaines pour avoir livré des armes à l'Iran et à la Syrie en dépit d'un embargo, a irrité ses alliés de l'Otan, notamment les Etats-Unis.

La Turquie a alors autorisé les concurrents de CPMIEC --l'américain Raytheon, la russe Rosoboronexport et la franco-italienne Eurosam-- à préciser leurs offres.

L'annonce du remplacement de M. Bayar intervient au lendemain de la fuite retentissante sur internet du compte-rendu d'une réunion confidentielle de hauts responsables turcs évoquant une éventuelle intervention militaire en Syrie.