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5 juin 2014 4 05 /06 /juin /2014 06:50

Consequences of the crisis - key publications by the Policy Departments - Subcommittee on Security and Defence

Consequences of the crisis - key publications by the Policy Departments - Subcommittee on Security and Defence


04.06.2014 Subcommittee on Security and Defence
 

The European Parliament’s Policy Departments have prepared a number of publications in relation to the crisis and its consequences. A wide range of issues are discussed, from the social effects of the crisis, to the impacts of the recession on public spending. The publications not only focus on the direct repercussions of the crisis (on employment, living conditions, mental health, SMEs, etc.), they also deal with its indirect outcomes, namely the reforms introduced at EU and national levels and the new instruments set up as a response to the crisis. The analysis goes even beyond: it is shown that, above all, the economic downturn has modified the way of considering policies and has raised fundamental issues such as EU governance.

 

A selection of these publications is available here.

 

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27 mai 2014 2 27 /05 /mai /2014 12:51

EDA Sign Procurement Arrangement with EUFOR Althea

EDA Sign Procurement Arrangement with EUFOR Althea

 

Brussels - 21 May, 2014 European Defence Agency

 

On 20 May, Claude-France Arnould Chief Executive of the European Defence Agency (EDA) met with General Sir Adrian Bradshaw the Operation Commander of EUFOR Althea and Deputy SACEUR. They signed a Procurement Arrangement concerning the acquisition of Air to Ground Surveillance services to operation ALTHEA. This is the first time EDA has signed a procurement arrangement directly with an EU mission.

 

Under this arrangement, EDA will assume the lead role in administering the procurement procedure of Air to Ground Surveillance services (including day/night actual Infra-red / electro-optical surveillance with near-real time downlink and the ability to re-task in flight) on behalf of the ALTHEA Operation Commander. As the procurement regards common costs, the Operation Commander has been authorised by the Athena administrator to sign the arrangement on behalf of Athena. The cooperation between EDA and Operation ALTHEA will conclude with a recommendation to the Operation Commander to award the contract to one company selected in competition.

Talking about the arrangement, Claude-France Arnould said, “The ultimate goal of any EDA project is to ensure that troops in the field have the capabilities they need, as was demonstrated clearly by our Counter-IED laboratory in Afghanistan. I am delighted that today’s arrangement allows us to do this by providing a procurement service directly to an EU mission for the first time. This cooperation will help highlight the expertise and added value EDA can bring in the field of procurement.”

 

Supporting CSDP Missions and Operations

As part of the restructuring conducted in January 2014, the Agency aims to play a greater role in supporting CSDP operations and missions. Speaking about the cooperation General Bradshaw added, “The decision to use the expertise from EDA in this procurement for Air to Ground Surveillance services for Op ALTHEA is, of course, based on EDA’s technical knowledge in this field. Another advantage will be to benefit from the lessons learned in conducting such an arrangement between the operation and the EDA directly, in order to establish the necessary procedures which will potentially enable closer cooperation between our organisations in the future.”

This meeting was also an opportunity for Claude-France Arnould to introduce General Bradshaw, who took his functions in March 2014, to the mission and tasks of EDA.

 

EUFOR ALTHEA

The EU military operation ALTHEA in Bosnia and Herzegovina was launched on 2 December 2004 and has contributed to the maintenance of the safe and secure environment in BiH ever since. Operation ALTHEA is carried out with recourse to NATO assets and capabilities, under the "Berlin Plus" arrangements. After a review in 2012 the main objective is to provide capacity building and training for their armed forces whilst retaining the capability to support the BiH efforts to maintain a safe and secure environment. 

 

The Athena Mechanism

ATHENA is the mechanism established to administer the financing of the common costs of European Union operations having military or defence implications governed by Council Decision 2011/871/CFSP. The Council Decision allows for arrangements to be signed with Union bodies to facilitate procurement in operations in the most cost-effective manner.

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13 mai 2014 2 13 /05 /mai /2014 15:50

L'Europe de la Défense, c'est pour quand ?

L'Europe de la Défense, c'est pour quand ?

 

 

06/05/2014 Par Alain Oudot de Dainville* - FIGARO VOX Vox Monde

 

FIGAROVOX TRIBUNE - Alors que l'Union européenne est toujours dans l'impasse en Ukraine, l'ancien chef d'Etat major de la Marine, Alain Oudot de Dainville, invite à repenser l'Europe de la défense.

 

Les États européens sont désarmés pour élaborer une stratégie pour défendre leurs intérêts quand ils sont menacés. Dans l'Union ils n'arrivent pas à s'entendre, seuls ils sont dépassés. Leur déficit ne leur autorise plus une stratégie financière efficace. Leur diplomatie n'a plus le même effet d'entraînement. Pour satisfaire leur volonté d'assainir leurs finances, les États européens compriment leur effort de Défense, alors que leur stratégie commerciale prend des allures de lutte pour la survie. En régressant dans l'échelle des puissances, leur voix porte moins. L'Europe désarme, enfin une partie de l'Europe, car les tensions à l'Est incitent les marches orientales à la prudence, le budget de défense de la Pologne augmente de 7 % de 2012 à 2013.

 

Nos pauvres pays européens continuent à consommer à crédit pour maintenir artificiellement un niveau de vie synonyme de paix sociale, retardant le plus tard possible le moment où le serrage de ceinture deviendra inévitable, continuant à croire en une paix qui ne remet pas en cause les certitudes établies. Ils ont compris que le monde de la souveraineté sédentaire avait été mis à mal par la forte poussée de la mondialisation facteur de nomadisme.

 

L'Union européenne s'oppose à la Russie, mais la Russie fait partie de l'Europe : il vaut mieux composer avec elle, sinon comme le montre l'histoire, elle se tournera vers la Chine dont la puissance se rapprochera dangereusement de nos frontières.

 

Mais la paix établie commence à donner des signes de fragilité jusqu'en Europe, où la crise ukrainienne montre une opposition entre l'Europe de l'Orient, et celle d'un Occident qui peine à faire admettre un point de vue trop pluriel pour être défendu d'une seule voix. L'Union européenne s'oppose à la Russie, mais la Russie fait partie de l'Europe: il vaut mieux composer avec elle, sinon comme le montre l'histoire, elle se tournera vers la Chine dont la puissance se rapprochera dangereusement de nos frontières.

 

Les cartes devraient être plus profondément rebattues autour des années 2030, car l'échelle des puissances sera remise en cause sous l'effet de plusieurs facteurs: c'est en 2030 que l'économie et les dépenses militaires chinoises doivent rattraper celles des États-Unis, mais aussi que la population de l'Inde doit dépasser celle de la Chine. Nul ne doute que le droit généralement jugé en fonction de la puissance changera ses verdicts pour légitimer une version plus asiatique du cours du monde, la raison du plus fort étant toujours la meilleure.

 

A cette échéance l'équilibre précaire entre producteurs et consommateurs aura forcément évolué, les riches de demain n'étant plus ceux d'aujourd'hui. La force financière aura continué sa migration vers l'Est portée par les vents dominants de nos latitudes et le dollar aura probablement perdu sa fonction de valeur refuge. On peut continuer à jouer les autruches affirmant haut et fort qu'un élément imprévu viendra perturber cette évolution trop linéaire du monde, en nous laissant encore l'espoir de s'en sortir seuls. Or plus on se rapproche de l'échéance plus la ligne droite se rigidifie.

 

Comment ne pas rabâcher encore et toujours que les États européens pris isolément n'ont aucun autre espoir de s'en sortir que par une vassalisation au puissant du moment. La seule alternative est l'union, mais une Union forte de pays qui partagent plus que des normes commerciales, des intérêts pour les rendre communs.

 

L'Europe peine à se faire par le haut car ses structures actuelles ne s'y prêtent pas et car ses dirigeants s'épuisent à faire valider le message dans leur pays respectifs, mais heureusement elle se construit par le bas. Des pans de l'industrie, du système bancaire sont devenus européens ; elle se construit dans l'énergie, dans les transports.

 

La réponse la plus optimiste vient des nouvelles générations issues du processus de Bologne et du programme Erasmus qui a suivi. Cette génération des nomades de l'Europe s'oppose à nos anciens, des êtres sédentaires attachés à leurs arpents de terre, rouges du sang des conflits du passé. Cette nouvelle génération est celle de ce jeune homme de 22 ans qui se présente aux élections européennes, cette jeunesse sans calcul qui comprendra que l'on partage avec les «potes» rencontrés à Londres Berlin, Rome, Madrid ou Dublin le fardeau de la Défense.

 

Pour défendre ce continent où ils se sentent chez eux, même si la saucisse de Francfort n'a pas le même goût que celle de Morteau, il faut définir, les intérêts que partagent les Européens. C'est simple d'admettre que les Européens veulent sur le continent, pouvoir financer des grands projets communs, et bien évidemment disposer de matières premières et de l'énergie nécessaires pour leur confort.

 

En mondialisation la stratégie ne peut être que globale, la Défense n'en n'est qu'un aspect néanmoins indispensable car on ne peut avoir des pourparlers diplomatiques efficaces sans gros bâton derrière son dos.

 

Les intérêts définis, les Européens pourront élaborer une stratégie et se doter de moyens financiers, diplomatiques, militaires pour défendre des intérêts communs. En mondialisation la stratégie ne peut être que globale, la Défense n'en n'est qu'un aspect néanmoins indispensable car on ne peut avoir des pourparlers diplomatiques efficaces sans gros bâton derrière son dos. Il faut accepter d'ouvrir la discussion en un comité qui ne peut être que restreint pour rester efficace, et le faire à l'abri des influences qui défendent d'autres intérêts.

 

L'Europe de la Défense est donc une nécessité mais sans stratégie commune elle est condamnée à végéter car elle est antinomique avec la vision que donne l'Europe d'aujourd'hui, marchande et normative. Or dans la Défense, la puissance normative est dominée à l'Ouest par l'OTAN et ses accords de normalisation, les Stanag qui ne peuvent être dupliqués. Ses armements ne peuvent s'exporter sous une bannière européenne car les contrats sont essentiellement politiques, donc traités par les États.

 

Le temps et révolu où pour se donner bonne conscience européenne, on échangeait un hélicoptère par-ci, un chasseur par-là, un bateau en prime et où on s'empressait de le retirer dès que le porteur était engagé par son pays dans une opération.

 

L'Union européenne a placé sa priorité dans la Sécurité, mais la sécurité seule coûte très cher et il n'y a pas de sécurité efficace sans Défense coordonnée. Sa stratégie doit ouvrir la porte aux moyens de Défense. Certaines composantes se prêtent mieux que d'autres au caractère transfrontalier de cette approche, la dissuasion nucléaire car très liée au sol pour peu qu'elle soit bien comprise et débarrassée de ses oripeaux d'un pacifisme englué dans ses contradictions, la défense maritime dès lors que les règles d'engagement se rapprochent, celle du ciel avec les mêmes restrictions, la cyber défense car l'informatique n'a pas de frontières et car la guerre financière de 2008 a montré que les intérêts européens divergeaient de ceux des Américains.

 

Ce n'est qu'en entamant ce chantier de construction que nos pays se prépareront à vivre dans les meilleures conditions possibles les grands changements qui s'annoncent à un horizon extrêmement proche à l'échelle de la stratégie. Enfants d'Erasmus, engagez-vous pour sauver votre continent où il fait bon vivre.

L'Europe de la Défense, c'est pour quand ?

* L'auteur a effectué une carrière dans la Marine, tant dans l'aéro-navale qu'au commandement des bateaux, qui l'a conduit au poste de chef d'état-major en 2005. Il fut ensuite Pdg de la société chargée du commerce d'Etat, Sofresa, devenue Odas. Vient de publier Faut-il avoir peur de 2030? aux éditions Harmattan

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12 mai 2014 1 12 /05 /mai /2014 11:50

A comprehensive approach without a security strategy is a hallucination

A comprehensive approach without a security strategy is a hallucination

 

 

8th May 2014  – by Jo Coelmont - europeangeostrategy.org



The European Union’s (EU) mantra, ‘the comprehensive approach’ is known worldwide. However, a mantra that is being repeated at all times and in all circumstances probably refers to an aspiration rather than a reality. The EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) is the perfect example to illustrate just that.

 

Successful CSDP operations, regardless…

All military CSDP operations conducted so far have reached their military objectives. Compared with other international organisations involved in crisis management this is unique, and a reason to be proud. However, with the exception of the operations in Bosnia and in Mali, no military CSDP operation has really been conducted comprehensively. As a net consequence lasting results have seldom or never been achieved. Political pressure had a tendency to fade away soon after the launch of any operation. The civilian capabilities deployed were at best under-dimensioned if not completely absent. The most crucial element to obtain durable results, economic investment, never materialised. Often emergency and/or development aid was provided, but that is not a substitute. As to the Security Sector Reform operations launched by the EU under the ‘civil’ or ‘civil-military’ label, the results are disappointing too. Generally a homeopathic dose was administered when the real stuff was needed.

The operations in Libya are the example of a non-comprehensive way of acting. While European nations where taking the lead in the military operations, the European External Action Service (EEAS) was planning for humanitarian aid in complete isolation from the military intervention. It was, in fact, acting as an non-governmental organisation. Eventually the EU lost the beauty contest to set up such an operation in Libya to the United Nations, which was also acting on its own. Meanwhile the durable results of the military operations in Libya are well known: they are called Mali and the Central African Republic.

 

Events, dear boy, events

Fortunately not each and every crisis requires military assets to be part of the solution, on the contrary. The real question is how to explain the absence of any comprehensive approach whenever CSDP actions or operations are on the agenda. In the absence of an effective Security Strategy, in every contingency the starting position of the EU and the Member States is a blank sheet. The first step is for Member States to investigate whether the issue at hand is affecting their values or (individual) interests, and if so, whether it concerns a priority issue, and whether the region is considered as such. If the answer looks like a yes, discussions may start on how, when and with what means to react. If military action is judged appropriate by some Member States – the few that most of the time have the honour to act in the name of so many – than enter the process of ‘force generation conferences’. In the meantime, emergency aid may be provided. As to economic action: are the economy and trade ever really taken into account in crisis situations? More generally, is the overall desired strategic outcome and a comprehensive roadmap to reach it ever being thought about? Please, not now, we are in the midst of confronting events, dear boy.

 

Ukraine, a surprise

Taking improvised initiatives on the international scene, without a strategy, may turn out to be audacious, as recent events once more made clear.

Last year Ukraine was approached, mainly by the Commission, with a proposals to establish a trade agreement, as if Ukraine was simply about another extension of the internal market. For the EU this is well-known business. And yet, that same Union was completely surprised with the ultimate outcome. It was revealed to be a matter of geopolitics and strategy. And all of a sudden, the Union had, and still has, difficulties to respond.

 

A strategy or no strategy

Some actors have a strategy. You may not appreciate Russia’s moves, but Moscow acted in a rather comprehensive way, politically, economically and military. This is not to say that Putin has masterminded all events, but he was well prepared, having a strategy and even a doctrine (which one might call ‘Putin infiltration’), as well as the means to act accordingly. This makes that Russia, for the time being, can punch above its weight. Compared to each of the individual EU member states, Russia is rather big. Compared to the Union as such, Russia is an economically and even military middle-sized country, with some potential but facing enormous weaknesses. But at the political level, it is a chess player. And that makes all the difference.

In the Ukrainian crisis, the US is acting in a remarkably steadfast manner, in line with its strategy. In the past, whenever a security crisis emerged, the President of the US traditionally called on ‘the US and Allies’ to take action, suggesting the US take the lead and the Allies follow. In the meantime that has changed. At the start of the Obama administration it was always was referring to the ‘US and European countries’, suggesting some kind of burden-sharing. Later that changed to ‘the US and Europe’, carefully avoiding the pitfall of mentioning ‘the EU and its Member States’. Today, with the crisis in Ukraine, it is all about ‘the US and the EU’. The message is clear. The US will remain involved. However, in Washington Russia is measured by its potential to cause disruption, in particular in Afghanistan, Syria, and Iran. No doubt Washington will react to Moscow’s expansionist ambitions, but it will not allow itself to get distracted from its main geostrategic concerns in Asia. Globally speaking, the US is looking towards Europe as its principal partner. But you only have a real partner if, when faced with a crisis, the outcome matters equally to the partner if not even more so. For NATO, article 5 matters profoundly, for each and every partner. But for the crisis in Ukraine, NATO will not do the trick.

Central Europe, the Mediterranean and Africa, no doubt matters a great deal for Europe, so… After 3 wakeup calls, time to get up

The crisis in Yugoslavia triggered the ESDP and some concrete actions. Iraq triggered the CSDP and even a European Security Strategy (ESS), a prelude to a real Strategy, calling for preventive action and a comprehensive approach. So far neither the CSDP nor the ESS have generated significant results. In the end, Herman Van Rompuy took the political risk to put the issue of defence on the agenda of the European Council. This resulted in some pretty good conclusions. What about the centre-piece of acting comprehensively and what about a security strategy? Last December our Heads of State and Government where so shy they used very opaque language:

The European Council invites the High Representative, in close cooperation with the Commission, to assess the impact of changes in the global environment, and to report to the Council in the course of 2015 on the challenges and opportunities arising for the Union, following consultations with the Member States.

I hope that now with the Ukrainian crisis everyone reads this sentence as an urgent call for the long awaited genuine European Security Strategy, the prerequisite to act comprehensively.

Jo Coelmont

* Brig. Gen. (ret.) Jo Coelmont is an Associate Editor of European Geostrategy. He is also a Senior Associate Fellow for the ‘Europe in the World Programme’ at Egmont – Royal Institute for International Relations in Brussels. Formerly, he was the Belgian Military Representative to the Military Committee of the European Union. He writes here in a personal capacity.

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8 mai 2014 4 08 /05 /mai /2014 11:50

La défense européenne, éloge d'une agonisante

La défense européenne, éloge d'une agonisante

 

07/05/2014 Jean Guisnel - Défense ouverte / Le Point.fr

 

L'Europe a mis des mois à envoyer quelques dizaines de soldats en RCA, et on voudrait qu'elle applique une politique de défense et de sécurité à la crise ukrainienne ? Soyons sérieux...

 

L'Europe de la défense est-elle autre chose qu'une incantation ? Pas sûr... Mise en avant depuis des décennies, l'idée ne peut fonctionner dans les faits que lorsqu'il s'agit de produire en commun des matériels qu'un État seul ne pourrait se payer. En réalité, les exemples sont légion de la fausseté de cet argument, dont les frégates Horizon, le chasseur Eurofighter Typhoon ou l'A400M Atlas sont des preuves vivantes.

On écarquille les yeux quand on lit les satisfecit des eurocrates constatant qu'après plusieurs mois de négociations tendues, l'Union européenne a réussi tant bien que mal à envoyer une force européenne en RCA, dont l'ossature est fournie par des Français s'y trouvant déjà et des Géorgiens n'appartenant pas à l'Union européenne. C'est pourquoi on se dit qu'on serait bien inspiré de répondre franchement "oui" quand Nicole Gnesotto, présidente de Notre Europe-Institut Jacques Delors, pose crûment la question "Faut-il enterrer la défense européenne ?".

Tant d'années de déception

Dans un petit ouvrage ainsi titré, l'auteur dresse un bilan de tant d'années de déception et ne manque pas de souligner les atouts que notre Vieux Continent pourrait mettre en avant, si seulement il le souhaitait. Et notamment sa "légitimité collective" plus forte que celle de toute nation isolée ou ses capacités militaires bien réelles. Par exemple, ses armées comptaient en 2011 près de deux millions d'hommes. Mais ces effectifs ne sont d'aucune utilité quand il faut des mois pour en envoyer quelques dizaines en RCA ou au Mali !

De plus, les effectifs ne sont rien sans les moyens d'équiper et de faire fonctionner ces armées. En 2011, chaque Européen a dépensé 387 euros pour sa défense. Contre 1 610 euros pour chaque Américain. La même année, chaque soldat européen a coûté 23 829 euros. Contre 102 264 pour un soldat américain... En fait, l'Europe a depuis longtemps baissé les bras et nul ne cherche réellement, ni en France ni ailleurs, à faire émerger une véritable défense européenne. Une année ou presque a été nécessaire pour que les Français montent l'opération Sangaris en Centrafrique. Ont-ils associé les Européens à sa préparation ? Non.

 

Constat d'échec

Même les symboles voulus dès leur conception pour être des emblèmes d'une volonté de défense et de sécurité communes, comme l'Eurocorps ou la brigade franco-allemande, ne sont que des objets de vitrine. Il existe bien sûr quelques initiatives réussies, comme celle de la mise en commun de moyens de transport aérien tactique et stratégique. Certes. Mais nous n'aurons pas la cruauté de rappeler combien de temps a été nécessaire pour obtenir des avions pour la seule mission européenne en RCA... Nicole Gnesotto est cruellement lucide quand elle écrit, à propos de la politique de sécurité et de défense commune (PSDC), qu'elle "n'est pas faite pour l'entrée en premier sur un théâtre de crise, mais plutôt pour le soutien en second". Il n'est nul besoin d'ajouter quoi que ce soit à ce constat d'échec.

Après avoir lu ce livre, on attendait une conclusion d'ouverture, mais en vain... La dernière phrase du livre est un constat d'échec : "Face à la crise économique mondiale, face à la révolution stratégique américaine, les Européens n'ont en effet pas d'autre choix que de reprendre en main leur destin." Dit comme ça... Le seul problème, c'est que la crise ukrainienne leur en donne une occasion parfaitement adaptée. À nos frontières, amputé par un voisin puissant, tout prêt à basculer dans la guerre civile, un État chancelle et l'Europe assiste impuissante à son naufrage. On sait que ce qui se passe en Centrafrique, au Mali ou en Afghanistan est lié à notre sécurité collective. C'est pour cela que nous y sommes intervenus. L'Ukraine, qui a sombré dans le chaos après avoir voulu se rapprocher de l'Europe, serait-elle plus loin encore ?

 

Nicole Gnesotto, Faut-il enterrer la défense européenne ? La Documentation française, 150 pages, 9 euros

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5 mai 2014 1 05 /05 /mai /2014 07:50

European Defence Matters: Issue 5 Released

European Defence Matters: Issue 5 Released
 

Brussels - 25 April, 2014 European Defence Agency

 

The fifth issue of European Defence Matters, the magazine of the European Defence Agency (EDA), is now available.  

 

Coming four months after the European Council in December - where Heads of States and Government discussed defence and security topics  - the magazine gives readers an insight into EDA’s work in implementing the summit’s conclusions. Peter Round, the EDA Director Capability, Armament & Technology, gives a detailed interview on the four key capability initiatives that the European Council tasked the EDA with. Another feature article focuses on EDA’s work in helping Member States to access European Structural Funds (ESF) for dual-use research.

The issue also includes key interviews with General Mikhail Kostarakos Hellenic Chief of Defence, General Patrick de Rousiers Chairman of the European Union Military Committee (EUMC), General Pascal Valentin EATC Commander, and Major Jakub Block Eurocorps Public Affairs Officer.

There are updates on EDA’s work on effective command and control for multi-national missions. The magazine also includes a detailed account of the EDA’s annual conference, which was held on March 27 in Brussels. The conference has become the key rendez-vous for European Defence, bringing together 500 high-level figures from militaries, government and industry.

Lastly, the magazine also includes articles from Ioanna Zyga and Pauline Delleur, the winners of an essay writing competition on European Defence run by EDA and the Young Professionals in Foreign Policy (YPFP).

 

More information

  • European Defence Matters, issue 5, is available here
  • For montly updates, please register to our e-news here
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16 avril 2014 3 16 /04 /avril /2014 16:50

EDA Newsletter: April 2014

EART 14 : Air-to-Air Refuelling photo Luftwaffe

EART 14 : Air-to-Air Refuelling photo Luftwaffe


16.04.2014 European Defence Agency


European Air-to-Air Refuelling Training Delivers First Results European Air-to-Air Refuelling Training Delivers First Results
 

A Distinguished Visitors (DV) Day is held as part of the first European Air-to-Air Refuelling training (EART14) at Eindhoven Air Base on 10 April 2014. The day brings together high-level military figures to witness and learn about the ongoing training. EART14 runs from 31 March to 11 April, with German and Dutch aircraft and crews present for th...

 

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EDA Steering Board: Progress on the Implementation of Council ConclusionsEDA Steering Board: Progress on the Implementation of Council Conclusions
 

At the EDA Steering Board of 15 April, the Agency updated Defence Ministers on the progress made in implementing the tasks set at December’s European Council. The main elements of the Agency’s report were on the four capability programmes, standardisation and certification, dual-use research, and the initial elements for a policy fra...

 

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Team Focused on Military Implementation of Single European Sky Launched in EDATeam Focused on Military Implementation of Single European Sky Launched in EDA
 

A new cell focusing on the military implementation of SESAR - the European air traffic control modernisation programme – has been established within the EDA. The Single European Sky (SES) aims at realising the optimisation of the airspace organisation and management in Europe through a combination of technological, economic, and regulator...

 

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Digital Forensics Pilot Course at EDADigital Forensics Pilot Course at EDA
 

From 31 March to 5 April 2014 EDA organised together with the SANS Institute a six days pilot course for digital forensics as part of the EDA Cyber Defence Programme to strengthen EU’s Cyber Defence capabilities for CSDP operations. Students from 14 EDA Member States and EDA took part in the course. On the details of the course and the cou...

 

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Debating European Cooperation on Defence Capabilities Debating European Cooperation on Defence Capabilities
 

The European Defence Agency (EDA) hosted its annual conference ‘European Defence Matters’ on 27 March 2014. The conference brings together more than 500 high level participants from government, military, and industry, making it the only comprehensive rendez-vous on European defence.  The event is opened by Claude-France Arnould...

 

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15 avril 2014 2 15 /04 /avril /2014 07:50

Calendrier des think tanks à Bruxelles Mise à jour : Lundi 14 Avril 2014

Calendrier des think tanks à Bruxelles Mise à jour : Lundi 14 Avril 2014

 

Mise à jour par la Représentation permanente de la France auprès de l’UE

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11 avril 2014 5 11 /04 /avril /2014 11:50

Defence matters - EU key documents 2013

Defence matters - EU key documents 2013

 

09 April 2014 by EU ISS

 

When European Council President Herman van Rompuy proposed, in December 2012, to ‘launch work on the further development of the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy’ with the commitment to ‘return to this issue in December 2013’, virtually all EU institutions and relevant bodies, departments, agencies and working groups engaged in an exercise that has involved simultaneously taking stock of achievements, assessing shortfalls, and identifying avenues for the future.

The collective mobilisation of the year 2013 has produced a number of dedicated analytical and policy papers – including by independent think tanks and research institutes – that amount to the most systematic survey of European defence in ten years. This pocket-sized compendium collects the official documents generated by all EU institutional actors in preparation of the ‘defence summit’ of 19/20 December 2013 and the Conclusions adopted by the EU Heads of State and Government at the end of the whole process.

 

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8 avril 2014 2 08 /04 /avril /2014 16:50

Digital Forensics Pilot Course at EDA

Digital Forensics Pilot Course at EDA

Brussels - 08 April, 2014 European Defence Agency

 

From 31 March to 5 April 2014 EDA organised together with the SANS Institute a six days pilot course for digital forensics as part of the EDA Cyber Defence Programme to strengthen EU’s Cyber Defence capabilities for CSDP operations. Students from 14 EDA member states and EDA took part in the course.

 

On the details of the course and the course delivery one student says: “This was a mind blowing exercise. All the challenges and technical details were covered to a very deep extent.”

The course provided the students with the foundational competencies and skills to enable them to pass the exam for the widely recognised certification as GIAC (Global Information Assurance Certification) Certified Forensic Examiner (GCFE) in the weeks to come.

The course instructor, Mr. Chad Tilbury from SANS Institute says:  “As a former military and long-time cyber-defence practitioner, teaching a digital forensics class for the European Defence Agency was an honour.  Students from EU member countries conducted in-depth analysis and media exploitation of multiple systems.  Attendees conducted data triage and learned to extract forensic meaning from computer memory, files system and operating system artifacts, the Windows registry, email, removable devices, chat clients, web browsers, and event logs.  During the final day, students divided into teams and competed in a realistic forensic challenge requiring thousands of artifacts to be recovered, authenticated, and analysed.  From the results presented at the end of the forensic challenge, I am confident that this team can take their new skills home and immediately put them to use in real world operations.”

This course is the starting point for a new EDA initiative to pool the demand of EDA Member States for such specialist training that should lead to certifications. Pooling the demand will allow Member States to benefit from economies of scale”. 

The EDA Progamme Manager Cyber Defence, Mr. Wolfgang Roehrig  says: “In a lot of areas of cyber defence specialist training the military will continue to rely on private sector training capacities and expertise.  Therefore EDA is looking for ways for streamlining military training requirements in these fields. The starting point for further exploration was this on-site pilot course at EDA premises for data collection in an area of Cyber Defence expertise, in which the military most probably will continue to rely on industry-expertise, such as Digital Forensics. Digital Forensics training is a highly specialised field, in which, even putting the requirements of all EDA Member States together, relative small numbers of military students per year can be expected. Trainers in that field require special hands-on expertise that has to follow latest trends in attack techniques and technology - mere theoretical knowledge would not bring much benefit. Building-up and maintaining such trainer expertise within the military even at a European level is expected to be difficult and would be very expensive.”

The initiative will be launched within the EDA framework after the final course evaluation.

 

Background

Heads of State and Government endorsed the EDA Cyber Defence Programme as one of four critical capabilities programmes during the European Council in December 2013. For more information on this programme, read the factsheet.

 

More information

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7 avril 2014 1 07 /04 /avril /2014 11:50

EU battlegroups after the Central African Republic crisis: quo vadis?

EU battlegroups after the Central African Republic crisis: quo vadis?

 

2nd April 2014 by Niklas Novaky * - europeangeostrategy.org

 

This year will mark the 10th anniversary of the European Union’s (EU) battlegroup (BG) concept. Despite the approaching milestone, the EU is unlikely to celebrate it with much fanfare. This is because, although the EU has deployed three Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) military crisis management operations since the first battlegroups became operational in January 2005, none of them have been a BG-operation.

 

The future of the BG-concept was subject to heated debate in the run-up to last December’s European Council, where EU heads of state and government focused on CSDP for the first time since the Lisbon Treaty’s entry into force in 2009. Over the years, many EU countries have become frustrated by the BGs because using them in crisis situations has proven extremely difficult, although they are often hailed as CSDP’s ‘flagship capability’.

 

The latest opportunity to use them came last year when the security climate in the Central African Republic (CAR) deteriorated. In March 2013, the Séléka group, a loose coalition of Muslim militias, overthrew the CAR government of President François Bozizé. After President Bozizé fled the country, Séléka-leader Michel Djotodia became the country’s President. However, the situation in the country deteriorated further after clashes between various Christian and Muslim groups escalated in the second half of 2013.

 

In order to contribute to the international community’s efforts to stabilise the situation in the CAR, the EU began to consider the option of deploying a BG in November. It was considered that the BGs would be an ideal instrument for providing temporary relief on the ground by stabilising the situation in Bangui, the CAR capital. However, the idea of deploying a BG collapsed quickly.

 

In the second half of 2013, the only BG on standby was led by the United Kingdom (UK). However, Britain’s conservative-led coalition government refused to discuss deploying the BG because it would have been extremely difficult for it to justify using the BG for its Eurosceptic domestic audience. In the first half of 2014, the only BG on standby was led by Greece. However, this BG could not be used either because it lacked financial resources. According to member state officials, Greece was also reluctant to deploy the BG for political reasons; since the country has gone through dramatic cuts to balance its budget, deploying the BG would not have been popular among the Greek public.

 

The EU’s inability to use the BGs in the CAR raises tough questions about the future of the BG concept. Finland’s Foreign Minister Erkki Tuomioja, for example, expressed recently that ‘there is something fundamentally wrong in the EU’s capabilities’ if the BGs cannot be deployed when there is a clear need to deploy them. Furthermore, Sweden’s Foreign Minter Carl Bildt saw that the Union’s failure to use the BGs in the CAR could even spell the end of the BG concept as we know it.

 

The Nordics’ frustration is not just words. At the Athens informal EU defence ministerial in February, Sweden proposed that EU defence ministers should hold a workshop to study the conditions under which the BG could be deployed in the future. According to Finnish Defence Minister Carl Haglud, this shows that the member states are finally waking up to the reality that the BG concept simply ‘does not work’ in its current form.

 

In the author’s opinion, there are two options for increasing the deployability of EU BGs. The first one is the modularity idea, which was featured in High Representative Catherine Ashton’s annual report on CSDP in October 2013. According to Ashton, BG modularity ‘would allow incorporating the modules provided by the member states most interested in a given crisis, avoiding a too rigid and prescribed composition of the EU BGs, and allowing for more proportionate contributions according to member states’ means’. In other words, rather than having a rigid pre-determined structure, BGs could be assembled from EU member states’ modules on a case-by-case basis.

 

Modularity is an idea worth testing because it would increase the BGs’ flexibility. However, it is unlikely that it would significantly speed up the EU’s military deployment process. This is because the deployment of BGs would still depend on EU member states’ willingness to contribute the required modules, which is not guaranteed to happen. As the case of EUFOR RCA has show, EU member states have difficulties generating enough forces even for a relatively small operation of 1,000 troops. Thus, it is unclear how BG modularity would change the current dynamics in the EU’s force generation process.

 

In order to work, modularity needs to be complemented with second parallel reform, i.e. increasing common funding for possible BG-operations. In the event that the EU decides to launch a BG-operation, the vast majority of the operation’s costs would currently be funded according to the principle of ‘costs lie where they fall’. This means that each member state participating in a BG-operation would be responsible for covering the expenses of its own contingent without external assistance. The only exception to this rule is a small amount of common costs, which are funded through the Athena mechanism.

 

To improve EU member states’ incentives to participate in BG-operations, common funding should be increased significantly. The best-case scenario would be to have the Athena mechanism fund the majority of BG-operations’ costs. This way EU member states would not have to worry about funding issues at the time when they are making a decision on whether or not to contribute modules to a possible BG-operation. In other words, the idea of using a BG should never again collapse because there would not be enough funding for it!

 

Sweden’s proposal to hold a ministerial workshop on EU BGs is a good one, although it is likely that resolving the BGs’ current structural problems will take much more than one workshop. However, if EU member states could implement modularity in an effective way and increase the level of common funding for possible BG operations, the deployability of EU BGs is likely to increase.

 

 

* Mr. Niklas Novaky is a Doctoral Researcher at the University of Aberdeen. He is also a Visiting Researcher at the Institute for European Studies, Free University of Brussels. He writes here in a personal capacity.

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27 mars 2014 4 27 /03 /mars /2014 17:49

European Defence Matters: Keynote Speech by Catherine Ashton

European Defence Matters: Keynote Speech by Catherine Ashton

 

Brussels - 27 March, 2014  European Defence Agency

 

Catherine Ashton, Head of the European Defence Agency, High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy & Vice-President of the European Commission, keynote speech focused again on the outcomes of December’s European Council. She reinforced the calls for the implementation of the four key capabilities given to the European Defence Agency and emphasised that European Defence needs to be underpinned by the right capabilities.

Please find the full speech here.

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26 mars 2014 3 26 /03 /mars /2014 08:50

EDA Annual Conference Opens Doors at 8 AM

EDA Annual Conference Opens Doors at 8 AM

 

Brussels - 25 March, 2014 European Defence Agency

 

Due to the high number of registered attendees (up to 600), registration to the EDA’s Annual Conference “European Defence Matters” on 27 March already starts at 8 AM. 

 
We encourage participants to arrive early as we expect delays at the registration counters. The conference will start at 9.30 AM (sharp) but early arrivers can enjoy a welcome coffee in the meantime. 
 
Military staff is furthermore invited to attend the conference in dress uniform.  
 
 

More information:

Annual conference web page (including draft programme).

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25 mars 2014 2 25 /03 /mars /2014 12:45

Remise de la médaille de la Politique Européenne de Défense et de Sécurité Commune

Remise de la médaille de la Politique Européenne de Défense et de Sécurité Commune

 

04.03.2014 EUTM Mali

 

Les 28 février et 1er mars, se sont déroulées, au quartier général de la mission EUTM à Bamako et au camp d’entrainement de Koulikoro, les cérémonies de remises de médailles au personnel Européen de la mission qui quitteront le Mali dans les prochaines semaines.

Au total, ce sont 279 officiers, sous-officiers et militaires du rang, de 22 nations, qui ont été décorés de la médaille de la Politique Européenne de Défense  et de Sécurité Commune. Le général Bruno Guibert, commandant l’EUTM, qui présidait les deux cérémonies a, au cours de son adresse, remercié les militaires européens pour leur engagement et leur détermination pour redonner au Mali une armée pérenne et efficace et ainsi rentrer dans leurs pays respectifs avec une fierté légitime du devoir accompli.

 

Medal parade for EUTM personnel

On the 28th of February in EUTM’s main headquarters in Bamako and on the first of March in the Koulikoro training camp, took place the medal parades for the European personnel who will leave Mali during the next weeks.

A total of 279 officers, non-commissioned officers and soldiers from 22 different countries were awarded the medal for European Common Security and Defense Policy. General Bruno Guibert, EUTM commander chaired both ceremonies. He sized this opportunity to address the EUTM soldiers to thank them for their commitment and determination in favor of the rebuilding of the Malian army and assuring them that they could return to their nations and their armies with the legitimate pride of having fulfilled their duty.

 

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24 mars 2014 1 24 /03 /mars /2014 12:20

A new ‘special relationship’ between Washington and Paris: undermining or underpinning the CSDP?

A new ‘special relationship’ between Washington and Paris: undermining or underpinning the CSDP?

Image credit: Official White House Photo / Pete Souza.

 

23rd March 2014  by Jo Coelmont - europeangeostrategy.org

 

François Hollande’s recent state visit to Washington featured in-depth discussions on international security and on military cooperation in particular. Is this signalling the emergence of yet another ad hoc framework for initiating future military crisis management operations? Does it suggest a European trend to re-nationalise defence through a series of bilateral ‘special relationships’? Or on the contrary, is it still about ‘Europe as a global actor’, acting in tandem with a strong transatlantic partnership?

 

From a United States (US) point of view, the answers to these questions are rather straightforward. Washington’s objective is to ensure that Europe (its ‘principal partner’) rapidly evolves from a security consumer into a security provider. This would entail the ability to assume full responsibility for military crisis management without overly depending on US support. In this context, both NATO and the EU’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) do matter to the Americans. And in light of the recent French interventions in Mali and the Central African Republic (CAR) and ongoing diplomatic efforts in the Middle East, Paris still matters as well. This in itself explains the pomp and circumstance displayed in February.

 

From the French point of view, those same military operations in Africa inspired Paris to refer to the US as an ‘indispensable partner’. But Paris also drew some less enchanting lessons from these operations, in particular about the lack of support from most European Union (EU) member states. Is President Hollande’s initiative to put structured military cooperation on the agenda of his meeting with President Obama to be seen as Paris losing faith in the CSDP and henceforth favouring bilateral relations? Or is it still about finding ways to provide extra credibility to the CSDP in the short run and, in so doing, keeping NATO relevant in the long run? In any case, the future shape of this newfound entente will to a large extent depend on the positions taken by France’s partners in Europe rather than across the pond.

 

In itself, bilateral military cooperation – even in a transatlantic context – does not harm the CSDP. Quite the opposite is true, for at present European defence writ large is nothing more than a patchwork of military cooperation efforts, some of which are institutionalised, others not. In the EU all of this is deemed to be in line with the praised ‘bottom-up approach’. While this does offer significant potential, it has also become clear that the present patchwork is insufficient. The prerequisite for Europe to solve its most fundamental military problems, notably its ability to address longstanding capability shortfalls and successfully conduct operations, is to have a shared vision on defence in general and on burden sharing in particular.

 

Fortunately, European leaders have not yet exhausted all their options. At the European Council in December 2013, the traditional bottom-up approach has been complemented with top-down steering by the Heads of State and Government. Common programmes on capability development have been initiated. The Commission is on board. Several processes have been launched on pooling of procurement and convergence of defence planning, even on developing strategies. Crisis management has thus been brought to the political level that is consistent with the magnitude of the problems that need to be resolved. Lessons learned during recent operations have made it clear that durable solutions are only feasible when a clear strategic outcome is identified and underpinned by an even clearer political roadmap. Naturally this assumes the availability of the appropriate civil and military capabilities, and of economic assistance programmes over the longer term. In short, we are entering the early days of a new era in the development of the CSDP. But addressing even the most critical capability shortfalls cannot be done overnight. Given that the next crisis may well pop up tomorrow, an ‘indispensable partner’ across the Atlantic may need to provide interim solutions. That is why Hollande’s state visit to Washington deserves special attention: a potential win-win situation for France, the US, NATO and the CSDP is within reach.

 

The prerequisites, however, remain the same. As important as it is to seek swift solutions to remedy urgent shortfalls, a common European vision on crisis management operations remains a necessary condition for success. The CSDP is but an instrument. If in practice it boils down to ‘so few will have to do so much in the name of so many’, it is doomed to vanish. Ultimately, the spectre of military irrelevance haunts NATO as well, as Robert Gates already warned in his farewell speech in Brussels. In the direst scenarios, ad hoc coalitions and bilateral special relationships will be the only options, even for France. For Europe as a whole, this also means saying farewell to the much-vaunted comprehensive approach.

 

Military fragmentation was of course not the object of Franco-American deliberations. But such a future may well materialise malgré Paris et Washington. Up until quite recently, voices in Berlin and other European capitals spoke of responsibility and sharing the burden more equitably. But real life offers a gloomy picture. European countries are once more stumbling from one force generation conference to another to scrape together the resources required for a distinctly unambitious operation in the CAR. In the immediate run-up to the EU-Africa Summit, this cannot help but severely damage the credibility of the CSDP and the Union as such.

 

We find ourselves halfway between the past European Council on defence and the upcoming NATO ‘Wales Summit’. The Americans display an open-mind about the CSDP-NATO relationship and President Obama is coming to Brussels. In turn, recent events in Ukraine remind all Europeans about the importance of credibility – to have it or not. Europeans may well agree that there is indeed no military solution to Russian tactics in the Eastern neighbourhood. But the hour is getting late and a sense of urgency is justified. Hoping for the best is not a strategy. Arithmetically, international influence gets calculated as a multiplication between different instruments of power. If one variable equals zero, then the result equals zero. In strategic affairs there is therefore no room for part-time credibility.

 

Jo Coelmont

Brig. Gen. (ret.) Jo Coelmont is an Associate Editor of European Geostrategy. He is also a Senior Associate Fellow for the ‘Europe in the World Programme’ at Egmont – Royal Institute for International Relations in Brussels. Formerly, he was the Belgian Military Representative to the Military Committee of the European Union. He writes here in a personal capacity.

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16 mars 2014 7 16 /03 /mars /2014 12:50

EU Foreign Affairs Council: Background on Ukraine, Syria, and EU-Africa Summit

EU Foreign Affairs Council: Background on Ukraine, Syria, and EU-Africa Summit

14/3/2014 EU source: Council Ref: CL14-041EN

 

Summary: 14 March 2014, Brussels - Background on the European Union Foreign Affairs Council on Monday, 17 March 2014 in Brussels.
 

The Council, starting at 9.30, will be chaired by Catherine Ashton, EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy.

The Council will kick-off with a debate on the situation in Ukraine and the EU's Eastern Partnership more generally. An exchange of views on Bosnia and Herzegovina will follow.

Ministers will then discuss how best to support on-going efforts in the Middle East peace process. The Council will then address developments related to the crisis in Syria and its regional context. After that, it will turn to the EU-Africa summit, to be held on 2/3 April in Brussels.

Over lunch, ministers will hold a discussion on energy diplomacy, in the presence of Energy Commissioner Günther Oettinger.

The High Representative is also expected to shortly de-brief ministers on her recent visit to Iran, at the start of the meeting.

The EU-Uzbekistan Co-operation Council will start at 16.30, chaired by the Greek Deputy Prime Minister and Minister for Foreign Affairs, Evangelos Venizelos (TV/photo opportunity at 17.30).

Press conferences:

• after the Foreign Affairs Council (+/- 15.00)

• following the EU-Uzbekistan Co-operation Council (+/- 18.55)

* * *

Press conferences and public events by video streaming: http://video.consilium.europa.eu/

Video coverage in broadcast quality (MPEG4): http://tvnewsroom.consilium.europa.eu

Photographic library on www.consilium.europa.eu/photo for photos in high resolution.

* * *

Ukraine and Eastern Partnership

The Council will take stock of developments in the Ukraine and follow-up on the extraordinary meeting of EU Heads of State and Government on 6 March and on the extraordinary FAC of 3 March. Ministers will discuss an EU response to the developments, ahead of a meeting of the European Council on 20/21 March. Wider issues related to the EU's Eastern Partnership may also be raised during the debate.

At their extraordinary meeting on 6 March, EU Heads of State or Government strongly condemned the violation of Ukrainian sovereignty and territorial integrity by the Russian Federation and called for an immediate withdrawal of armed forces to their areas of permanent stationing. They also considered the decision to hold a referendum on the future status of the Crimea contrary to the Ukrainian constitution and therefore illegal.

For the EU, the solution to the crisis in Ukraine must be based on the territorial integrity, sovereignty and independence of Ukraine. Such a solution should be found through negotiations between Ukraine and the Russia federation, for instance through a so-called "contact group".

At the same time, leaders decided to take action. They suspended bilateral talks with the Russian Federation on visa matters as well as talks on a new EU-Russia agreement. European G8 members and the EU have also suspended their participation in the preparations for the G8 summit in June in Sotchi.

Moreover, in the absence of talks between the governments of Ukraine and Russia and if they do not produce results in a limited timeframe, the EU will decide on additional measures, leaders stated. Preparatory work on such measures has been on-going.

Leaders also agreed that further steps by Russia to destabilise the situation in Ukraine would lead to additional and far reaching consequences for relations between the EU (and its member states) and the Russian Federation in a broad range of economic areas.

Heads of State and Government welcomed a package of support measures presented by the Commission last week, including overall support of at least € 11 billion over the coming years from the EU budget and EU-based international financial institutions. It also comprises the granting of autonomous trade preferences to Ukraine so as to advance the application of certain provisions of the Association Agreement on a deep and comprehensive free trade area.

Leaders in addition decided to sign very shortly the political chapters of the EU-Ukraine Association Agreement while reiterating their commitment to sign the full agreement including the deep and comprehensive free trade area. See statement by the Heads of State or Government and factsheet on EU-Ukraine relations.

The Association Agreements with Moldova and Georgia were initialled at the Vilnius Eastern Partnership summit in November 2013. Their signature is to take place as soon as possible and before the end of August 2014. See European Council conclusions of December 2013 (para 47).

The EU's Eastern Partnership was launched at the Prague summit in May 2009. It concerns six Eastern partner countries: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, the Republic of Moldova and Ukraine. Its objectives include accelerating political association and deepening economic integration with the Eastern European partner countries. The EU supports reforms in the partner countries aimed at consolidating democracy, the rule of law, respect for human rights and an open market economy. At the same time, it offers gradual integration into the European economy, greater mobility for citizens and closer political ties. Between 2010 and 2013, EUR 1.9 billion were allocated to support its implementation.

Bosnia and Herzegovina

The Council will discuss the situation in Bosnia and Herzegovina. The High Representative will brief ministers about her recent trip to Sarajevo where she discussed the situation with politicians and members of civil society. See her statement at the conclusion of the trip.

In October 2013, the Council expressed its serious concern at the on-going failure of the Bosnia and Herzegovina political leaders to implement the ruling of the European Court of Human Rights in the Sejdić/Finci case and stressed that the current lack of a solution is preventing Bosnia and Herzegovina from further progress towards the EU. It also reiterated its unequivocal support for Bosnia and Herzegovina's EU perspective as a sovereign and united country  enjoying full territorial integrity. See Council conclusions.

Middle East peace process

The Council will discuss the Middle East peace process. The High Representative will brief ministers on what the EU can do to support the talks.

The EU fully supports the on-going efforts of the parties and of the US. In December 2013, the Council reiterated the EU's readiness to contribute substantially to post-conflict arrangements for ensuring the sustainability of a peace agreement. "The EU will provide an unprecedented package of European political, economic and security support to both parties in the context of a final status agreement," the Council said in conclusions. The on-going work to define the  details of the EU's offer will be the subject of the debate by ministers. See Council conclusions of 16 December 2013.

Syrian conflict and regional context

The Council will consider the latest developments in the Syrian conflict, in particular the humanitarian situation following the adoption of a UN Security Council resolution on the humanitarian situation on 22 February, the growing terrorist threat and the state of play in diplomatic efforts to bring an end to the crisis.

For the EU, the only solution to the conflict is a genuine political transition, based on the full implementation of the Geneva Communiqué of 30 June 2012, and preserving the sovereignty, independence, unity and territorial integrity of Syria.

The EU and its member states have been quick to support the destruction of Syria's chemical weapons. The EU is the largest financial contributor to the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW) and supports its work towards the destruction of Syria's chemical weapons stockpile, including through the provision of armoured vehicles and satellite imagery.

Individual member states have also provided resources to assist the destruction programme. The EU and its member states are the largest humanitarian donor for the Syrian crisis. The total response from EU and member states to the crisis stands now at € 2.6 billion.

For more details on EU positions and restrictive measures, see factsheet European Union and Syria.

EU-Africa summit

The Council will be briefed about preparations for the 4th EU-Africa summit, which is to take place in Brussels on the 2-3 April under the theme "Investing in people, prosperity and peace". The European Council of 20/21 March will also discuss the summit preparations.

The EU-Africa summit will bring together the Heads of State and Government of the European Union and the African continent, together with the EU and African Union institutions. It will illustrate how EU-Africa relations have evolved over the past years, based on the Joint Africa-EU Strategy of 2007, which established a partnership of equals going beyond development to tackle challenges of common interest, including political, economic, investment and trade issues.

Leaders will discuss ways to deepen co-operation under the three areas identified in the summit theme, i.e. people, prosperity and peace. They will also address investment, climate change, prosperity, and ways for stimulating growth and create jobs, and will take stock of ongoing and future cooperation in the various fields covered by the Joint Africa-EU Strategy. The issue of migration as well as peace and security cooperation will also be on the agenda.

For more information, see the website of the EU-Africa summit.

Energy diplomacy

Over lunch, ministers will exchange views on EU energy diplomacy, in the presence of Energy Commissioner Günther Oettinger. Ministers are set to discuss the foreign policy implications of strategic choices made in the field of energy by relevant partners.

The shift in the global energy landscape creates new challenges and opportunities for EU foreign and security policy. The shale gas revolution in the US, the growing demand for energy in India due to its increasing population and the rise of gas as a source in China might have far-reaching political and economic consequences.

The debate follows previous exchanges among EU leaders and ministers about the external dimension of EU energy policy. The European Council of February 2011 asked the High Representative to take full account of the energy security dimension in her work and to reflect energy security in the EU's neighbourhood policy.

Other items

The Council is set to adopt several other items without discussion, including:

- European aid volunteers initiative

The Council is set to establish a European voluntary humanitarian aid corps which sets out a framework for joint contributions from European volunteers to support and complement humanitarian aid operations worldwide, as provided for in the Lisbon Treaty. See also legal text.

- Gulf of Guinea

The Council is due to adopt an EU strategy on the Gulf of Guinea, to support the efforts of the region and its coastal states to address the many challenges of maritime insecurity and organised crime. EU action will focus on four objectives: building a common understanding of the scale of the threat in the Gulf of Guinea and the need to address it; helping regional governments put in place institutions and capabilities to ensure security and the rule of law; supporting the development of prosperous economies in the coastal countries; strengthening cooperation structures between the countries of the region to ensure effective action across borders at sea and on land. The Council is to invite the EEAS and the Commission to put forward the actions necessary to deliver the strategy and report back annually on progress made.

- EU strategy for security and development in the Sahel

The Council is to adopt conclusions on the implementation of the EU strategy for security and development in the Sahel. The Council is set to welcome the progress made in implementing the strategy that it adopted in March 2011 and reaffirm the EU's objectives in the fields of security, development, peace-building, conflict prevention and countering violent extremism. It will invite the Commission and the EEAS to extend the implementation of the strategy to Burkina Faso and Chad while intensifying activities in Mali, Mauretania and Niger.

- EUCAP Mali

The Council is likely to adopt a crisis management concept for a civilian mission under the Common Security and Defence Policy to assist the internal security forces in Mali (EUCAP Mali) so as to enable the Malian state to ensure law and order as well as fight against terrorists, organised crime and cross-border trafficking. Once established, EUCAP Mali would deliver strategic advice and training for managers of the three internal security forces in Mali, i.e. the police, Gendarmerie and Garde nationale. A separate legal act - currently under preparation - is required for the mission to be formally set up.

- West Africa EPA development programme

The Council is set to adopt conclusions on West Africa's Economic Partnership Agreement development programme (PAPED). In the period from 2015 to 2020, the EU is committed to provide at least € 6.5 billion for activities linked to the PAPED. This is to be delivered through the European Development Fund, relevant instruments of the EU budget, contributions from member states and the European Investment Bank. See draft Council conclusions.

- South Sudan

The Council is to adopt conclusions on South Sudan, expressing its deep concern about the ongoing crisis in South Sudan, the grave human suffering it causes and its regional implications. It will call on all parties to immediately stop the violence and honour the Cessation of Hostilities agreement signed on 23 January. The EU firmly supports the mediation led by the Inter- Governmental Authority for Development.

- Central African Republic

The Council is due to adopt conclusions on the Central African Republic, encouraging the current authorities to continue the political transition. The EU is the main humanitarian and development partner of the Central African Republic. For more information, see fact sheet.

______________________

* This note has been drawn up under the responsibility of the press office

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12 mars 2014 3 12 /03 /mars /2014 16:50

Général Henri Bentégeat : "L'Europe de la défense bien insuffisante mais indispensable"

Général Henri Bentégeat : "L'Europe de la défense bien insuffisante mais indispensable"

 

11.03.2014 par Henri Weill - Ainsi va le monde !


Mali, Centrafrique, l'Europe combien de divisions ? Vladimir Poutine encourt-il aujourd'hui, une réaction politique coordonnée des Européens sur le dossier ukrainien ? Des Européens qui ont du mal à se mettre d'accord compte-tenu des intérêts économiques de certains d'entre eux en Russie.Quant à la menace militaire de l'UE, elle n'existe pas. 
Voilà les questions dictées par l'actualité. Interrogation de fond, interrogation récurrente, pourquoi une Europe de la défense est-elle si difficile à mettre en place ? 
Voici des éléments de réponse fournis, dans cette interview à Ainsi va le monde, par le général Henri Bentégeat qui fut chef d'état-major particulier du président de la République (1999-2002), chef d'état-major des armées (2002-2006) puis jusqu'en 2009, président du Comité militaire de l'Union européenne.

Q- Parler de l’Europe de la défense, est-ce évoquer un « sujet maudit » ?
H. Bentégeat- L'Europe de la défense est, en effet, un sujet maudit en ce sens qu'il n'est jamais abordé sereinement sans préjugés et sans anathèmes. La vérité est que très peu de ceux qui s'expriment savent ce dont ils parlent. On additionne les désaccords politiques ou industriels des Européens, on assimile les moyens aux buts, on constate que la France fait cavalier seul et on en conclut que l'Europe de la défense n'existe pas. On ignore ou on oublie que l'Union européenne a conduit six opérations militaires en dix ans et lancé plus de vingt missions civilo-militaires.

Q- L’UE est-elle dans un état de léthargie stratégique ?
HB- Hubert Védrine a évoqué, en effet "la léthargie stratégique" dont souffrirait l'Europe. Comment lui donner tort quand on constate que la plupart de nos partenaires ne se sentent même plus les garants de leur propre sécurité dont ils ont abandonné la responsabilité à l'OTAN, en fait aux Etats-Unis. Seuls le Royaume-Uni et la France, membres permanents du Conseil de sécurité des Nations-Unies, ont une vision stratégique et la volonté de s'impliquer dans les affaires du monde. L'Allemagne y vient tout doucement, par l'angle économique surtout.

Q- Notre bouclier : l’OTAN, l’Union européenne. Vous utilisez à ce propos une formule bien ciselée : « Agir dans le cadre de l’OTAN, c’est nécessaire mais insuffisant. Agir dans le cadre de l’UE c’est insuffisant mais indispensable… ». Comment gommer les insuffisances au temps des budgets en diminution et des compromis extrêmement difficiles à trouver ?
HB- Oui, l'OTAN est nécessaire à la défense et à la sécurité de l'Europe, mais elle n'est pas suffisante. Et l'Europe de la défense est bien insuffisante mais elle est indispensable pour garantir nos intérêts spécifiques, parce qu'elle seule a les moyens de traiter globalement les crises. Ses insuffisances sont politiques (divergences de vues sur L'Afrique ou les marches orientales du continent) ou militaires (capacités individuelles ou collectives). Comment trouver les compromis politiques et limiter les conséquences de la baisse continue des budgets militaires?  Impossible à 28. Il faut donc cultiver un noyau dur de nations désireuses d'aller plus loin. Le triangle de Weimar, France, Allemagne, Pologne, est le plus prometteur...

Suite de l'entretien

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10 mars 2014 1 10 /03 /mars /2014 12:50

Il faut une défense européenne

Il faut une défense européenne


10.03.2014 Jean-Marie Colombani - directmatin.fr

 

Deux événements devraient nous convaincre de l’absolue nécessité de doter l’Union européenne d’une défense digne de ce nom et de mettre un terme à la baisse régulière des crédits alloués à l’effort de défense. Il s’agit bien sûr de la crise ukrainienne mais aussi de la politique de Pékin telle qu’elle vient d’être exposée devant les représentants du peuple chinois.

La situation en Ukraine découle des ambitions de Vladimir Poutine. Se déroule sous nous yeux un scénario analogue à celui de 2008 qui avait vu la Russie, au nom de la préservation des intérêts de communautés russophones, s’emparer de deux régions de Géorgie. De la même façon, Poutine vient de pratiquement annexer la Crimée.

Il ne s’agit pas ici de dire qu’il faudrait défendre par les armes l’intégrité de l’Ukraine. L’arsenal de la diplomatie et surtout des sanctions économiques, la mise en avant des intérêts bien compris des Européens et des Russes peuvent encore être efficaces. Il s’agit plutôt de s’interroger : s’il prenait à Vladimir Poutine l’envie d’aller plus loin (par exemple en direction des Etats baltes), aurions-nous les moyens de défendre le territoire de l’Union européenne ? La Russie, dont l’économie peut à court terme devenir chancelante et que nous avons sans doute les moyens d’affaiblir, est menacée de déclin par l’effondrement de sa démographie. Elle cherche, par la militarisation et le retour à une ambition impériale, à compenser ces faiblesses.

A Pékin, l’objectif officiel est d’accroître le poids de la Chine dans le monde. Pour ce faire, les dirigeants chinois prévoient d’affecter chaque année 12 % supplémentaires à leur effort militaire. On dira : ce réarmement laisse tout de même la Chine loin derrière les Etats-Unis. Mais elle possède déjà la première armée du monde par le nombre avec 2 millions de soldats et entend égaler la puissance militaire américaine au milieu du siècle. Dans le même temps, inquiet, le Japon accroît significativement son budget de la défense.

Danger objectif ici, remilitarisation là : et pendant ce temps, nous, Européens, continuons de désarmer. Chacun pour soi sans rien entreprendre de significatif sur le plan collectif.

 

 

Suite de la tribune

 

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10 mars 2014 1 10 /03 /mars /2014 12:50

Ukraine: "Si l'UE veut peser, il faut une réelle défense européenne"

Ukraine: "Si l'UE veut peser, il faut une réelle défense européenne"

 

9 mars 2014    Ju. Vl – RTBF.be

 

    Alors que la crise ukrainienne bat son plein, Didier Reynders (MR), ministre des Affaires étrangères, et Isabelle Durant (Ecolo), vice-Présidente du Parlement européen, ont débattu de la réaction à adopter vis-à-vis de la Russie et des nouvelles autorités ukrainiennes.

 

    Les Russes ont récemment déclaré être prêts à entamer un "dialogue d’égal à égal" avec les "partenaires internationaux" sur le dossier ukrainien. Une porte ouverte au dialogue qui ne change pas le fait que l’heure soit plutôt à l’escalade qu’au refroidissement entre occidentaux et Russes sur ce dossier.

 

    "Cette escalade, c’est une phase qui vise à renouer le dialogue", a cependant tempéré Didier Reynders sur le plateau de Mise au Point ce dimanche.

 

    Le ministre fédéral, invite également l’Europe à renforcer ses capacités à peser dans le concert international. "Si l’Europe veut pouvoir peser sur les discussions à venir, elle doit renforcer à la fois sa capacité à développer une politique étrangère", a déclaré l’élu libéral.

 

    La question de la défense européenne relancée

 

    L’UE se doit également de dialoguer avec la Russie afin de trouver un modus vivendi, estime Didier Reynders. Pour cela, le dossier ukrainien constitue un test important. "Dans les prochains mois et les prochaines années pour l’UE -ce n’est pas seulement de créer sa défense et une politique étrangère plus intégrée-, c’est le débat avec ses partenaires. Et la Russie doit être un partenaire. On ne peut pas se dire qu’on va gérer l’Europe avec quelqu’un à l’est avec qui on ne veut pas parler. Et ce dialogue il devra passer par une solution acceptable pour tous les Ukrainiens".

 

    Isabelle Durant s’inscrit dans le même constat. "Il faut arriver à une défense commune à l’échelle de l’UE et à une politique étrangère plus unie. Nos réactions individuelles n’ont aucun sens, nous ne pèserons que si nous réagissons ensemble", a déclaré l’eurodéputée.

 

    Cette dernière estime qu’il est indispensable que l’Europe s’engage dans le dossier ukrainien, détourner le regard n’est pas une option. "Parfois on a le sentiment que l’Ukraine c’est loin, qu’on se demande ce que l’on va faire là-bas et pourquoi on irait leur prêter de l’argent alors qu’on a déjà du mal avec notre économie?", déplore-t-elle. Or, selon l’ancienne ministre, "ce qui se passe en Ukraine, ce nécessaire dialogue avec la Russie, c’est la garantie de notre sécurité et d’un monde plus juste. Quand les Ukrainiens se tournent vers nous pour une question de droits de l’homme, on en peut pas leur répondre que les droits de l’homme ce n’est bon que pour nous".

 

    Didier Reynders enfonce le clou de la nécessité de mettre sur pied une réelle Défense européenne. "Comment fait-on pour, au départ de l’UE, s’exprimer fortement par rapport aux grands acteurs mondiaux: Chine, Etats-Unis, Russie? Cela nécessite une politique étrangère forte mais aussi une Défense. Or, je crains fort qu'aujourd'hui en Europe, beaucoup dans les jeunes générations ont le sentiment que 'finalement une défense cela sert à quoi quand on vit en paix depuis si longtemps' ", .

 

    Mais ce qui se passe à nos frontières immédiates peut peut-être faire changer un peu la réflexion. Une défense européenne, cela ne veut pas dire dépenser plus, cela peut peut-être même vouloir dire dépenser moins mais ensemble avec un objectif commun. Cela signifie surtout avoir une capacité de discussion d’égal à égal avec les autres grandes puissances.

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7 mars 2014 5 07 /03 /mars /2014 13:50

CSDP: getting third states on board

CSDP: getting third states on board

Briefs - No6 - 07 March 2014 Thierry Tardy

 

The November 2013 Foreign Affairs Council welcomed the ‘valuable contributions and political support of partner countries to CSDP missions and operations’. A few weeks later, a Ukrainian frigate began to patrol within EUNAVFOR Atalanta, and Georgia committed approximately 140 personnel to the recently-established EU operation in the Central African Republic (CAR). In Bosnia, Turkey has long been a major contributor to EUFOR Althea, while countries like Norway or Canada regularly provide civilian personnel to CSDP missions. These countries have all signed a Framework Participation Agreement (FPA) with the EU, which provides the legal and political basis for such cooperation.

To date, this type of partnership remains limited in scope and has thus been given little visibility. Moreover, whilst the contributions of partner countries may provide targeted responses to EU shortfalls, they can also be problematic for a variety of reasons. Yet third party involvement in CSDP missions can be seen as a means to bolster the overall legitimacy of the EU’s international security role and should be understood in the context of a broader CFSP agenda.

 

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4 mars 2014 2 04 /03 /mars /2014 15:50

L’Europe de la Défense : Quelle réalité ? Quelles limites ? Quelles urgences ?

L’Europe de la Défense : Quelle réalité ? Quelles limites ? Quelles urgences ?

source centresevres.com

 

« Les enjeux de Défense dans le monde contemporain »

 

Sous la direction du P. François Boëdec et de M. Louis-Marie Clouet

 

Samedi 8 mars 2014 de 10h à 12h

 

Avec :

 

- le Général Jean-Louis GEORGELIN, ancien chef d’état-major des armées, grand chancelier de la Légion d’honneur.

 

et

 

- Mme Nicole GNESOTTO, professeur titulaire de la chaire sur l'Union européenne au Conservatoire National des Arts et Métiers (CNAM), ancienne directrice de l'Institut d’études de sécurité de l’Union européenne.

 

Les évolutions géopolitiques du monde contemporain mettent en lumière de nouveaux enjeux de sécurité et de défense pour les nations et les populations. Des questions anciennes se posent différemment, de nouvelles questions apparaissent. Elles obligent les responsables politiques et militaires à réfléchir aux ajustements nécessaires dans les systèmes de défense, et à anticiper l’avenir.

Dans une période de récession économique et de cohésion sociale fragilisée, comment faire face aux enjeux importants de sécurité ?

 

Ce cycle de cinq matinées, le samedi matin, de 10h à 12h avec des spécialistes (experts en géopolitique, militaires, journalistes…), permettra un tour d’horizon précis des questions de défense aujourd’hui.

 

Tarifs :

15 € la matinée

50 € les 5 conférences

Il est possible de ne venir qu’à une seule conférence-débat.

 

plus d'informations

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4 mars 2014 2 04 /03 /mars /2014 12:50

Calendrier des think tanks à Bruxelles Mise à jour : Lundi 3 Mars2014

Calendrier des think tanks à Bruxelles Mise à jour : Lundi 3 Mars2014

Mise à jour par la Représentation permanente de la France auprès de l’UE

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22 février 2014 6 22 /02 /février /2014 21:50

Speech: Tim Rowntree, OCCAR Director, UK Defence Forum on 5 February 2014

Speech: Tim Rowntree, OCCAR Director, UK Defence Forum on 5 February 2014

 

February, 2014  OCCAR

 

OCCAR Director Tim Rowntree was invited by UK Defence Forum, a high level non-partisan, non-profit organisation informing the UK Defence Policy debate, to join their recent meeting in London and speak to them. His speech was accompanied by a speech of Mrs Claude-France Arnould, the Chief Executive of the European Defence Agency (EDA).

Mr Rowntree addressed four main topics. He firstly introduced OCCAR in general as a modern programme management organisation which was created with a strong vision to improve armaments cooperation in Europe.

Secondly, Mr Rowntree elaborated on the urgency to seek new opportunities to cooperate. Future capabilities and the respective modern European equipment will only be made available when the upfront technological investment is done in cooperation. And European industry will only be able to obtain its competencies and deliver world class capabilities if they are stimulated and challenged by some bigger armament programmes. Important cost savings for the European states can be achieved by cooperation, especially if also a common In-Service Support is implemented.

As a third point Mr Rowntree emphasised the need to avoid national variants of defence equipment. In fact most of the national variants still address the same requirement but strongly increase the cost of the programme. It thus requires strong top-down leadership to challenge evolving considerations of national variants and to ensure interoperability and cost savings to the maximum extent.

Finally he tackled the question whether armaments cooperation can really work effectively. Key to effective cooperation is certainly a proper cooperation model which avoids unnecessary programme interruptions, costly work share requirements, duplication of programme management work and unclear management processes. Recent examples like the A400M programme have shown that if these factors are avoided a world class capability can be successfully delivered in a cost effective manner.
European states need to keep in mind what they can achieve when they work together and that they now need to act with confidence and vision in order to shape major future armament programmes to be delivered at the time needed.

A lively questions and answers session followed the speeches and closed the event.

The full speech can be viewed below: Speech Defence Forum (150kB)

 

 

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17 février 2014 1 17 /02 /février /2014 17:50

EUMC follow-up of the European Council on Defence - SEDE

EUMC follow-up of the European Council on Defence - SEDE

 

17-02-2014 SEDE

 

On 12 February the Subcommittee exchanged views with General Patrick de Rousiers, Chairman of the EU Military Committee, on the follow-up to the December 2013 European Council on Defence.

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15 février 2014 6 15 /02 /février /2014 12:50

National Breakdown of Defence Data 2012

National Breakdown of Defence Data 2012

 

Brussels - 13 February, 2014 European Defence Agency

 

The European Defence Agency (EDA) has just published the National Breakdown of Defence Data for 2012. These are official statistics on the main defence expenditure components for each of the EDA participating Member States (all EU Member States except Denmark and Croatia which joined in July 2013):

 

  • Macro-economic data to show the total defence expenditure and how defence budgets relate to GDP, overall government spending and population.

  • Major categories of defence budget spending – personnel; investment (equipment procurement and research & development (including research & technology); infrastructure/construction; operations & maintenance – to show how defence budgets are spent.

  • European collaboration for equipment procurement and R&T to show the extent to which the Agency’s participating Member States are investing together.

  • Data on personnel in the European armed forces: number of military and civilian personnel; internal security military personnel.

  • Deployability: military deployed in crisis management operations to show the ratio between deployments and the total number of military. 

The figures published here below are official figures based on data provided directly by the main spending authorities, the Ministries of Defence.

 

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