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20 novembre 2012 2 20 /11 /novembre /2012 08:10

MQ-4C BAMS Unmanned Aircraft

 

SAN DIEGO, Nov. 19, 2012 (GLOBE NEWSWIRE)

 

Team Checking Control Software, Subsystems Prior to Flight Operations

 

Northrop Grumman Corporation and the U.S. Navy have added a second Triton unmanned aircraft to ground testing efforts in late September – part of an initial step in preparation for flight operations.

 

Two Triton unmanned aircraft systems are being used to flight test and mature the system for operational use. Ground testing allows the team to further reduce risks associated with control software and subsystems prior to flight.

 

The first Triton entered ground testing in July after production concluded in June.

 

"Ground testing signifies our steady progress toward conducting Triton's first flight," said Steve Enewold, Northrop Grumman's vice president and program manager for Triton. "Through numerous engine runs and checks with communications systems between the aircraft and ground controllers, we can ensure that everything is working properly before entering taxi testing as the next step in our efforts."

 

Northrop Grumman is the prime contractor to the Navy's MQ-4C Triton Broad Area Maritime Surveillance program. In 2008, the company was awarded a systems development and demonstration contract to build two aircraft and test them in preparation for operational missions by late 2015.

 

The Navy's program of record calls for 68 Tritons to be built.

 

Triton provides a detailed picture of surface vessels to identify threats across vast areas of ocean and littoral areas. With its ability to fly missions up to 24 hours, Triton complements many manned surveillance and reconnaissance aircraft.

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17 novembre 2012 6 17 /11 /novembre /2012 22:35

iron dome photo IDF

 

Nov. 17, 2012 - By BARBARA OPALL-ROME  Defense News

 

Simulations Meet Reality Amid Cross-Border Escalations

 

TEL AVIV — The largest Israel-U.S. air defense drill concluded last week under combat conditions as simulations and preplanned live fire were conducted amid actual rocket salvos from Gaza and escalation along Israel’s long-dormant border with Syria.

 

Multifront engagement scenarios designed for the thousands of U.S. and Israeli forces participating in Austere Challenge 2012 grew exceedingly realistic in the closing days of the biennial drill, as operators and joint task force commanders from U.S. European Command (EUCOM) witnessed at least four operational intercepts by the Israeli Iron Dome.

 

By the time the drill culminated Nov. 12 with live fire from U.S. Patriot Advanced Capability-3 (Pac-3) missiles, more than 120 rockets — including extended-range Grads — had been fired at the Israeli homefront, forcing hundreds of thousands of residents within 40 kilometers of the border into shelters. On Nov. 14, a day after the drill officially concluded, the Israeli military launched “Operation Pillar of Defense,” a widespread aerial campaign aimed at reducing the rocket and missile threat from Gaza.

 

In parallel, Israeli forces last week fired their first shots into Syria since the 1973 war in response to stray shells from the ongoing Syrian civil war that landed in the Israeli-annexed Golan Heights.

 

Israeli military spokesman Brig. Gen. Yoav Mordechai said the two separate engagements with Syria — warning shots Nov. 11 and a direct hit on a Syrian artillery launcher Nov. 12 — offered a clear message to Syrian President Bashar Assad that Israel would not tolerate spillover from internal Syrian clashes into Israeli territory.

 

At week’s end, as most of the 1,000 or so U.S. military personnel stationed in Israel for the drill were making their way back to Germany, Israel’s Northern Command remained on high alert for threats from Syria. Down south, Iron Dome batteries were activated against the rocket threat while the Israel Air Force intensified airstrikes against weapon storage sites, smuggling tunnels and other targets throughout the Hamas-administered Gaza Strip.

 

“These are very difficult days [which require] further bilateral cooperation in defense against future missile threats, as well as persistent operations against Hamas and the Iranian terror threat in Gaza, which is likely to intensify and expand,” Israeli Defense Minister Ehud Barak told reporters.

 

Barak hailed the Austere Challenge drill for underscoring the deep cooperation between the two militaries and for bolstering Israeli deterrence.

 

In a press call before the drill, U.S. Air Force Lt. Gen. Craig Franklin, commander of the Third Air Force and regional air defense commander for EUCOM, said the $30 million drill, known as AC12, marked the largest in the history of U.S.-Israeli strategic cooperation. It involved Pac-3 batteries, an Aegis cruiser, the U.S.-operated AN/TPY-2 X-band radar deployed here and advanced communications links enabling simulated joint task force operations.

 

Overall, more than 3,500 U.S. military personnel, from multiple locations across Europe and the Mediterranean and in Israel, took part in the drill, which involved a logistics-centric deployment phase, extensive simulated joint task force operations against salvos on multiple fronts and Patriot live fire against simulated targets.

 

The Israeli contribution was estimated at 30 million shekels ($76.4 million). It involved nearly 2,000 personnel and all layers of Israel’s planned multitiered active defense intercepting network, including the Arrow, Iron Dome, Patriot and Pac-2, used against air-breathing targets, and command-and-control elements of the developmental David’s Sling.

 

Franklin insisted the scenarios simulating salvo attacks on multiple fronts were notional and “not related to any particular recent world event.”

 

Nevertheless, representatives from both countries said last week’s barrage of Gaza-launched rockets, combined with fire across the Syrian border, injected real-life urgency to simulated joint operations.

 

“AC12 took place in a realistic threat environment, to say the least. Many of us will remember it as the nexus between simulation and actual combat,” an Israel Air Force officer said.

 

In the coming weeks, U.S. and Israeli officers will conduct post-drill evaluations and apply key lessons to the planning of the next major bilateral drill, scheduled for 2014.

 

Israel Air Force Brig. Gen. Doron Gavish, recently retired air defense commander, said the drill and ongoing exercises between drills were strategically significant in honing the ability of both countries to operate jointly against evolving threats.

 

“We’re not waiting for every other year to exercise together. Today we have a standing relationship with all the commanders, and we conduct a lot of small-scale training on a regular basis,” Gavish said.

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31 octobre 2012 3 31 /10 /octobre /2012 22:01

Defense.gov_News_Adm._Mullen_departs_the_PLA-Navy-submarine.jpg

 

November 01, 2012 By Gabe Collins and Andrew Erickson - http://thediplomat.com

 

The engine of China's naval rise has flown under the radar - until now.

 

China’s military shipyards now are surpassing Western European, Japanese, and Korean military shipbuilders in terms of both the types and numbers of ships they can build. If Beijing prioritizes progress, China’s military shipbuilding technical capabilities can likely become as good as Russia’s are now by 2020 and will near current U.S. shipbuilding technical proficiency levels by 2030. China is now mass producing at least six classes of modern diesel-electric submarines and surface warships, including the new Type 052C “Luyang II” and Type 052D “Luyang III” destroyers now in series production.

 

Eight key themes, listed sequentially below, characterize China’s rise as a world-class military shipbuilder. For reference, the companies building the warships are China State Shipbuilding Corporation (“CSSC”) and China Shipbuilding Industry Corporation (“CSIC”).

 

1. China’s warship buildout thus far supports modernization and replacement, not rapid expansion

 

Over the past six years, China’s overall fleet of frontline combatants has expanded, but slowly, growing from 172 ships in 2005 to an estimated 221 vessels in 2012. However, the fleet has improved substantially in qualitative terms as newer ships and subs replace older ones. For instance, as Type 052 C/D Luyang-series destroyers, Type 054A Jiangkai II-series frigates, and Type 041 Yuan diesel-electric submarines have come into the fleet, they are allowing the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) to steadily retire obsolete platforms like Luda destroyers and Ming submarines.

 

2. Chinese military shipbuilders are catching up to Russian and U.S. Yards

 

China’s large state-backed military shipbuilders are approaching their Russian and U.S. peers in terms of the number of warships built. China’s large submarine and surface warship buildout will, in a decade, likely have it become second only to the U.S. in terms of total warships produced since 1990. More importantly, the ramp-up of China’s construction of large warships in recent years will mean the PLA Navy will likely be taking delivery of larger numbers of modern surface combatants and submarines annually than the U.S. Navy.

 

Measured in terms of warships commissioned since 1990, China is now number three globally and is rapidly gaining on Russia, the number two country. Most of Russia’s post-1990 military ship deliveries simply reflected yards “finishing up” Soviet-era projects.

 

Chinese yards, in contrast, have come on strong over the past decade, with a big push in submarine construction that began in 2002-03 and a strong pipeline of surface warship deliveries that continues to gain steam to this very day. Chinese military shipyards—in particular the Changxing Island and Hudong Zhonghua yards near Shanghai—are humming with activity, and over the next 2-3 years, China is likely to commission enough large warships to put it second only to the U.S. in terms of large warships built and delivered since 1990.

 

3. China’s military shipbuilders are using modular mass production techniques

 

CSSC’s Jiangnan Shipyard is using modular construction methods to build Type 052-series destroyers. Modular construction involves building the ship in “blocks.” This maximizes a shipyard’s productive potential and also provides greater latitude for modifying designs and customizing ships. Modular construction also gives yards the flexibility to either build centers of expertise within the yard or outsource the production of certain components and then import them to the yard for final assembly.

 

CSSC’s Hudong Zhonghua shipyard also appears to be using modular construction techniques for the Type 071 LPD. The yard has now constructed four of the vessels, two of which are in service and two of which are in the trial/outfitting stage. They have also been able to fabricate the Type 071 hulls faster, with a time gap of nearly four years between the first and second vessels, but only 10 months between vessels two and three, and four months between vessels three and four.

 

4. China’s military shipyards appear to be sharing design and production information across company lines

 

Historically, CSIC built all Chinese submarines, but the current production run of Type 041 Yuan-class advanced diesel electric subs has seen at least two boats being built in CSSC’s Jiangnan yard. This suggests submarine construction expertise is growing outside of CSIC. However, there are no indications thus far that CSSC is doing submarine design work, which could mean that Beijing is making the companies and their design institutes share submarine design and construction information. Likewise, the new Type 056 corvette is being built in both CSSC and CSIC shipyards, suggesting that a standardized design and production approach is being shared by both companies.

 

5. China’s military shipbuilders will be able to indigenously build aircraft carriers

 

China’s first aircraft carrier, Liaoning, which entered service on  September 25th of this year, started as an empty hull and gave CSIC valuable experience in effectively creating an aircraft carrier from the keel up. China has a total of seven shipyards with sufficiently large berths to assemble a carrier hull (three hundred meters or more), and the yards are basically equally dispersed between CSSC and CSIC. These yards are located in Dalian (CSIC), Qingdao (CSIC), Huludao (CSIC), Shanghai (CSSC), and Guangzhou (CSSC).

 

CSIC Bohai Shipbuilding Heavy Industry complex near Huludao (where China builds its nuclear submarines) is a top candidate due to its large, covered building sheds where carrier parts could be fabricated in modular fashion and out of the view of satellite surveillance. The company says it has the “largest indoor seven-step” ship construction facilities in China. This facility, together with CSSC’s large new Changxing Island yard, and CSIC’s Dalian yard—which fitted out the carrier Liaoning that just entered PLAN service—are the three leading candidates to build China’s indigenous carriers.

 

6. China will retain a military shipbuilding cost advantage

 

We project that for at least the next five years, Chinese shipbuilders will have a substantial labor cost advantage over their counterparts in South Korea, Japan, and the U.S. CSSC’s Jiangnan shipyard can likely deliver a Type 052C destroyer for 24% less than it costs Korea’s Hyundai heavy Industries to produce a KDX-III destroyer. Likewise, according to disclosures in the July 2011 issue of Shipborne Weapons, Wuchang shipyard can produce a late model diesel electric sub such as the Type 041 for roughly 47% less than it would cost South Korea’s DSME to make a Type 209 submarine. The lower labor cost in China likely serves as a core driver. This may help explain the larger Chinese cost advantage in building submarines, since advanced submarines can require substantially larger number of man-hours to build than surface ships do.

 

7. China’s neighbors feel increasingly compelled to augment their naval forces in response to Chinese warship production

 

South Korea has decided to expand its procurement of advanced diesel-electric submarines to include nine KSS-III 3,000-ton submarines by 2020 and nine 1,800-ton subs by 2018. This acquisition will basically double the size of the country’s current sub force and substantially enhance its capabilities, since the biggest boats in the fleet are currently 1,800-ton vessels. South Korea has also elected to double its Aegis destroyer purchases over the next decade.

 

Similarly, Vietnam’s maritime friction with China and fear of the PLAN’s growing power is making Hanoi into one of the Russian defense industry’s star customers. Vietnam has ordered six Kilo-class diesel submarines from Russia and is likely to take delivery of its first Kilo by the end of 2012. Hanoi is also adding advanced Russian anti-ship missiles and stealthy Gepard-class missile armed patrol boats to its naval force.

 

8. China now has the potential to become a significant exporter of diesel submarines and smaller surface warships

 

China’s shipbuilders are becoming increasingly competitive in terms of the ratio of cost to combat power they can deliver. For instance, the July 2011 issue of Shipborne Weapons reports that China will supply 6 potentially Air-Independent Propulsion (AIP)-equipped submarines to Pakistan for as little as 1/3 the unit price at which European shipyards would be able to supply comparable boats.

 

With the advent of the Type 041 Yuan-class diesel sub and Type 056 corvette, China now has two platforms for which it is already capable of series production and for which the unit costs are likely to drop significantly in coming years. The export version of Russia’s Steregushiy-class corvette, called Tigr, currently stands at around U.S. $150 million per vessel. As China’s Type 056 production run continues to expand, it would not be a surprise to eventually see the PLAN’s unit cost end up in the U.S. $110-120 million per vessel cost range, which would make the Type 056 a serious export competitor to the Tigr and other smaller Russian warships.

 

Conclusion

 

China’s naval shipbuilding industry has advanced to the point that it can series produce modern diesel submarines, landing platform docks (LPDs), destroyers, frigates, corvettes, and fast attack craft, albeit with some imported components for a number of key systems. The ongoing series production of Type 041 SSKs, Type 071 LPDs, Type 052 destroyers, and Type 056 corvettes strongly suggests that China’s military shipbuilders have rapidly assimilated commercial innovations such as modular construction.

 

Chinese naval shipbuilding faces several challenges moving forward. Most notably, six major questions remain:

 

1. Does Beijing have the political will to continue devoting substantial and growing resources to naval modernization?

 

2. Can China achieve requisite technical advances in weapons systems, propulsion, and military electronics?

 

3. Can China master the technologies needed to build nuclear submarines capable of surviving in a conflict with U.S. and Russian boats?

 

4. Can it build an aircraft carrier with catapults that would allow it to maximize the strike and air combat capabilities of the J-15 fighter it is likely to carry?

 

5. Will the Chinese leadership be willing to invest political and financial capital in establishing intensive and realistic training for the PLAN and provide diplomatic support for establishment of sustained access to facilities in key areas such as the Indian Ocean region?

 

6. Will continued weakness in the global ship market prompt Beijing to capitalize on the availability of shipyard space to further increase the pace of military shipbuilding?

 

China’s military shipbuilders are showing that they can meet Beijing’s current call for warships and could produce more if given the mandate and the resources. The U.S. strategic rebalancing toward the Asia-Pacific will need more than rhetoric if it is to remain credible in the face of China’s potential to rapidly produce modern warships.

 

The Pentagon should consider adjusting the U.S. Navy’s ship acquisition programs in response. As Chinese warships become better, the numbers ratio between the PLAN and U.S. Navy combatants will become increasingly important.  Given that shipbuilding is an industry where lead times can be many years, now is the time for Washington to begin responding to China’s warship production improvements and prepare strategically for further naval advances that Beijing is likely to unveil over the next 2-3 years.

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31 octobre 2012 3 31 /10 /octobre /2012 08:05

Mali slodiers 400x300

 

30.10.2012 Par Olivier Berger, grand reporter à La Voix du Nord - Défense globale

 

Une évidence aussi politique, militaire que géographique, une intervention au Mali ne peut se faire sans l'approbation même indirecte de l'Algérie. Après le passage de la secrétaire d'Etat américaine, Hillary Clinton, lundi à Alger, où elle a rencontré le président Abdelaziz Bouteflika (notre photo) et le ministre des Affaires étrangères Mourad Medelci, ce sentiment devient une certitude. La France et les Etats-Unis, pressés de régler le cas des terroristes et brigands du djihadisme au nord du Mali, doivent patienter et s'adapter à la grande puissance régionale qui redoute un conflit à ses portes, où vivent aussi 50 000 Touareg (sans s, c'est un substantif pluriel...). Bref, l'offensive ne serait pas pour demain.

 

" J'ai beaucoup apprécié l'analyse du président, fondée sur sa longue expérience concernant les nombreux facteurs complexes inhérents à la sécurité intérieure du Mali, ainsi que la menace que le terrorisme et le trafic de drogue font peser sur la région et au-delà. " Elle a beau gardé le sourire pour la photo, Hillary Clinton s'est bel et bien cassée les dents sur le cuir endurci d'Abdelaziz Bouteflika.

 

La secrétaire d'Etat américain a tenté de convaincre le président algérien de donner une sorte de feu vert au déploiement de la force internationale africaine de la Cédéao (Communauté économique des Etats d'Afrique de l'ouest) de 3 000 hommes, appuyant l'armée malienne dans sa reconquête du nord. La résolution 2071 des Nations-Unies a donné 45 jours (jusqu'au 26 novembre donc) pour établir un plan coordonné d'intervention. Alger jugera sur pièce.

 

L'Algérie, qui a payé cher, très cher (200 000 morts lors des années noires des 90's) pour se débarrasser de ses islamistes radicaux, voit d'un oeil inquiet une guerre se déclencher à sa frontière sud. Et quelle frontière ! 1 400 km de désert très délicats à surveiller. Un panier percé quand on a affaire à des Touareg et des combattants islamistes algériens ou autres (évalués à 2 500) rompus à la survie et au déplacement dans ce milieu hostile.

 

En cas de succès de l'intervention africaine, soutenue sur le plan de la formation, de la logistique et du renseignement par la France (sous couverture de l'Union européenne) et les Etats-Unis, l'Algérie aurait malgré elle un rôle militaire à jouer. Comme pour la Mauritanie à l'ouest et le Niger à l'est, elle devrait incarner une sorte de mâchoire nord d'un étau se resserrant sur Al Qaïda au Maghreb islamique (AQMI), ses alliés de la MUJAO (Mouvement pour l'unicité et le djihad en Afrique de l'ouest) et d'Ansar Eddine. Sans cet étau, tout ce beau monde pourrait s'éparpiller dans la nature plutôt aride du secteur.

 

En outre, on rappelle que l'Algérie compte 50 000 Touareg sur son sol. Alger préférerait isoler les islamistes et privilégier la négociation pour les revendications des Touareg maliens de l'Azawad, opposés de longue date à l'hostilité et au mépris de Bamako.

 

Un député targui du FLN, Mahoud Guemama, élu de Tamanrasset, prévient : " Ce que demandent les Etats-Unis et la France va causer beaucoup de problèmes et nous dignitaires de l'Ahaggar (sud algérien) demandons à l'Algérie de continuer à s'opposer à une intervention militaire étrangère et à privilégier le dialogue. Nous connaissons le début d'une intervention militaire mais nous n'en connaissons jamais la fin. La Libye est un très bon exemple... " Hum.

 

Dans ce Sahara de prudence et de scepticisme, François Hollande se rendra début décembre à Alger pour rencontrer le président Bouteflika. Une pierre de plus à l'édifice de l'intervention au Mali (et à un rapprochement franco-algérien ?).

 

Cette patience diplomatique forcée n'est peut-être pas une mauvaise chose sur le plan militaire. Une action précipitée, mal calibrée, préparée et négociée, pourrait se changer en catastrophe. Six mois ne seraient pas de trop pour former et équiper les forces de la Cédéao et du Mali.

 

Ce mardi matin sur France Inter, le ministre de la Défense, Jean-Yves Le Drian, n'était plus aussi affirmatif sur un déclenchement de l'opération dans quelques semaines. " Patience et longueur de temps font plus que force ni que rage. " Ce n'est pas de Bouteflika mais de La Fontaine.

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30 octobre 2012 2 30 /10 /octobre /2012 11:35
U.S. 'mulls buying Israeli robot gunboats'

photo RP Defense - Euronaval 2012

 

TEL AVIV, Israel, Oct. 29 (UPI)

 

The U.S. military is reported to be testing a missile-armed, remote-controlled robotic boats developed by Israel's Rafael Advanced Defenses Systems, possibly to bolster its naval capabilities in the Persian Gulf where it's locked in a mainly maritime confrontation with Iran.

 

The mass-circulation Yedioth Ahronoth reports that the Americans see a possible use for the 30-foot unmanned Protector boats, which can carry one bow-mounted 7.62mm machine gun or anti-ship missiles, against Iranian suicide boats manned by Revolutionary Guards.

 

The small Iranian vessels are intended to "either block or attack any American aircraft carrier making its way through the Strait of Hormuz," the newspaper said.

 

Iran has threatened to close that narrow waterway, the only way in and out of the Persian Gulf, if it is attacked. One-third of the world's oil supplies pass through the 112-mile channel every day.

 

The Israeli navy is reported to be operating Protectors armed with multipurpose anti-armor Spike missiles, which are also built by Haifa's Rafael. Britain's BAE Systems and Lockheed Martin helped develop the unmanned boats.

 

Yedioth reports that last Wednesday the U.S. Navy test-fired six missiles from several unmanned surface vessels off the coast of Maryland. The daily gave no other details but observed that "all ... were reportedly accurate."

 

Wired magazine, which monitors new weapons systems, quoted Mark Moses, the U.S. Navy's drone boats program manager, as saying, "The tests are a significant step forward in weaponizing surface unmanned combat capability."

 

The Protectors "could be used for a number of applications, including harbor security, and in various defensive operations and scenarios, which are of primary concern for the Navy," Moses added.

 

Yedioth reported that any U.S. contract to buy Protector is "expected to amount to millions of dollars." But it noted that the Americans may arm any boats it buys with U.S.-built missiles, such as the Javelin or the Hellfire, rather than Israeli-made weapons.

 

These are both combat-proven systems modified for naval deployment. The FGM-148 fire-and-forget Javelin anti-tank weapon is built by Raytheon and Lockheed Martin. The AGM-114 Hellfire is produced by Lockheed Martin.

 

The Protector is already in service with the Israeli and Singaporean navies. It can reach speeds of 42 miles per hour. Its machine gun is capable of staying on target even in rough seas.

 

The boat carries radar and sonar systems and at least four cameras to identify targets, with electro-optical systems to provide 3-D imaging.

 

Noam Brock, who headed the Rafael team that developed the Protector, said the boat can operate at night and cope with heavy seas.

 

"Its systems are so advanced they can track the flight of a single bird," he said in 2006.

 

"The next step ... will be to equip the system with greater attack capabilities." That seems to have been achieved.

 

Rafael officials also see Protector having an anti-piracy mission, possibly against the Somalia pirate gangs marauding across the Indian Ocean, or the growing threat in the Atlantic off West Africa, a major oil-producing zone.

 

Other USVs are also on the market. One is the 21-foot Interceptor manufactured by Marine Robotic Vessels International of Florida. It can make speeds of 55 mph and has reportedly emphasized reconnaissance over firepower.

 

In late 2007, British defense firm Qineteq unveiled the jet-ski-sized Sentry, which was designed for intruder investigation.

 

It's likely that the Israeli navy will use Protector as part of the force it's building to guard its natural gas fields in the eastern Mediterranean. In the decades ahead, the offshore production platforms, due to start coming onstream in 2014, and other infrastructure will be a strategic target for Israel's adversaries.

 

Iran and its proxy, Hezbollah in Lebanon, are seen as particular threats, as is Syria and to a lesser extent Palestinian militants.

 

Hezbollah reportedly has hundreds of long-range missiles capable of hitting the offshore facilities south of Lebanon.

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30 octobre 2012 2 30 /10 /octobre /2012 11:25

Mali slodiers 400x300

 

30 octobre 2012 Par Ursula Soares - RFI

 

La secrétaire d’Etat américaine, Hillary Clinton, a rencontré, ce lundi 29 octobre à Alger, le président Abdelaziz Bouteflika. Suite à son entretien, elle a déclaré avoir eu « une discussion approfondie » sur le Sahel, et en particulier le Mali, dont le nord est occupé par des groupes islamistes. Les Etats-Unis cherchent à obtenir le soutien de l’Algérie à une éventuelle intervention militaire au Mali. Alger n’exclut plus ce principe mais il est peu probable que l'Algérie participe directement à une opération armée.

 

Lors de son voyage de quelques heures à Alger, Hillary Clinton a rencontré son homologue Mourad Medelci, puis le président Bouteflika, avec qui elle a déjeuné. Officiellement, il s’agissait de consolider le partenariat économique et sécuritaire et d’échanger sur les grands sujets de l’actualité régionale et internationale. C’est finalement le nord du Mali qui a été au cœur des entretiens.

 

L’indispensable feu vert de l’Algérie

 

L’un des principaux objectifs de ce voyage de la secrétaire d’Etat américaine était effectivement de convaincre l’Algérie de soutenir une éventuelle intervention militaire internationale dans le nord du Mali. Même si les Américains sont, eux-mêmes, réticents à ouvrir un nouveau front militaire et quand bien même ils souhaiteraient régler la situation par la négociation, l’idée d’une intervention militaire africaine fait son chemin. Mais pour cela, le soutien de l’Algérie est « incontournable », disent les experts.

 

L’Algérie, en effet, est une puissance militaire majeure de la sous-région ; elle dispose d’une expertise en matière de renseignements et de contre-terrorisme – elle a combattu pendant dix ans le Groupe islamique armé (GIA), dont Aqmi est une émanation – et elle partage, avec son voisin malien, près de 1 400 km de frontière. Si elle ne ferme pas sa frontière sud, la lutte, au nord du Mali, risque d’être vaine. Aujourd’hui, selon de nombreux experts, le ravitaillement des groupes armés se fait essentiellement via l’Algérie. Par ailleurs, l’Algérie doit également donner l’autorisation de survol de son territoire et ses aéroports – notamment celui de Tamanrasset – sont précieux car ils pourraient être sollicités.

 

Ce sont là autant d’arguments qui pourraient expliquer cette visite de la secrétaire d’Etat américaine – même si rien n’a vraiment filtré des entretiens – et qui ont, sans doute, fait dire à un responsable du département d’Etat, à bord de l’avion de Mme Clinton, que « l’Algérie étant l’Etat le plus puissant du Sahel, elle est devenue un partenaire crucial » et que « l’Algérie doit être au centre de la solution à la crise malienne », a-t-il insisté.

 

Une participation militaire algérienne peu probable

 

L’Algérie est hostile par principe à toute présence étrangère – surtout occidentale – dans cette région du Sahel. Elle craint également que le nord du Mali ne devienne un bourbier qui aurait, immanquablement, des répercussions sur son territoire, ou encore que l’opération ne tourne à l’enlisement. Le premier risque, notamment, c’est qu’une fois boutés hors des villes de Gao, Tombouctou et Kidal, les groupes armés se replient sur le sud algérien d’où ils viennent, pour la plupart.

 

Et puis, vivent en Algérie des populations berbères et des Touaregs (50 000) qu’il faut également ménager. Le chef touareg algérien, Mahmoud Guemama, député de Tamanrasset - région frontalière du nord malien - a estimé, ce lundi 29 octobre, qu’une intervention étrangère dans la région causerait « beaucoup de problèmes aux Touaregs » et qu’Alger devait continuer à s’y opposer et « à privilégier le dialogue ».

 

L’Algérie, certes, privilégie la négociation et la solution politique. Nous savons, via une médiation discrète, qu’Alger entretient des contacts avec Ansar Dine et avec son chef, Iyad ag Ghali. Mais l’Algérie reconnait aussi qu’il y a des gens avec lesquels on ne peut pas discuter – les « terroristes » – et qu’il faut donc utiliser la force contre eux.

 

De fait, l’Algérie dit « oui » à la lutte contre le terrorisme mais n’aime pas parler d’intervention militaire. Elle serait – dit-on – plutôt favorable à des frappes précises menées par les Américains plutôt qu’une intervention massive de troupes de la Communauté économique des Etats d’Afrique de l’Ouest (Cédéao).

 

France et Etats-Unis « main dans la main »

 

Pourquoi les Etats-Unis s’impliquent-ils, aujourd’hui, sur ce dossier, à travers cette visite d’Hillary Clinton ? Lors de l’Assemblée générale de l'ONU, à New York, fin septembre, la secrétaire d’Etat américaine avait dit au président français, François Hollande : « Le Mali, c’est vous ! », autrement dit : « On vous laisse gérer ce dossier et on vous suivra. » Alors, aujourd’hui, les Américains agissent-ils, d’une certaine manière, pour le compte des Français, afin de tenter d’amadouer les Algériens ? C’est une question qui se pose. En tout cas, ce qui est certain c’est que cette visite à Alger d’Hillary Clinton s’est faite en coopération et même en coordination avec la France. « On est conscient qu’il faut aider la France et on travaille main dans la main avec elle », confiait à RFI, cet après-midi, un diplomate américain.

 

Nous savons que les Etats-Unis sont peut-être mieux placés pour faire pression sur l’Algérie. Sur le dossier malien, les Américains ont une ligne assez prudente qui ne déplait pas à Alger. Par ailleurs, il existe une étroite collaboration militaire et sécuritaire entre les deux pays et puis, bien sûr, il n’y a pas le passif lié à la colonisation comme celui qui existe entre la France et l’Algérie.

 

Echéances électorales et onusiennes

 

Ce déplacement d’Hillary Clinton peut aussi s’expliquer par l’élection présidentielle américaine qui aura lieu dans quelques jours, le 6 novembre. Ce n’est pas un hasard si la secrétaire d’Etat américaine est apparue, aujourd’hui, aux côtés du président Bouteflika. Le Mali est devenu un sujet d’actualité américaine. Mitt Romney – adversaire républicain de Barack Obama – en a parlé lors du dernier débat présidentiel. Les deux hommes sont aujourd’hui au coude à coude dans les sondages et le président américain doit montrer que son gouvernement reste ferme en matière de lutte contre le terrorisme et montrer sa détermination.

 

Certains évoquent aussi une autre raison : l’assassinat de l’ambassadeur américain, Christopher Stevens, en Libye, début septembre, qui a marqué les esprits. Pour beaucoup, il est lié avec ce qui se passe au Mali car, derrière cet assassinat, se trouve la main d’Aqmi.

 

Autre échéance : celle des Nations Unies. Le 12 octobre, l’ONU a demandé aux Africains de lui soumettre, avant le 26 novembre, un plan détaillé, en vue d’une intervention armée. Les Etats-Unis et la France sont disposés à fournir un appui logistique, mais il leur faut aussi multiplier les efforts pour arracher le soutien de l’Algérie.

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26 octobre 2012 5 26 /10 /octobre /2012 12:35

http://forcesoperations.com/wp-content/gallery/fob/xp2-bd.jpg

le XP2 sur le stand Nexter pendant AUSA 2012

 

26.10.2012 par Frédéric Lert (FOB)

 

Toute cette semaine, la convention annuelle organisée par l’Association of US Army à Washington a réuni le gratin de l’industrie de défense terrestre. Le salon s’est ouvert dans une ambiance un peu boudeuse, l’épée des coupes claires budgétaires américaines planant au-dessus de toutes les têtes… Faut-il le rappeler, l’US Army ne partait pas favorite pour sauver sa peau dans les arbitrages pressentis. Et puis coup de théâtre en début de semaine, avec cette annonce spectaculaire de Barack Obama au détour de son débat télévisé avec son challenger républicain : contre toute attente, le président-candidat annonçait vouloir rayer d’un trait de plume l’hypothèse d’une réduction de 500 milliards de dollars de l’argent de poche alloué au Pentagone. Une déclaration dont l’onde de choc continue sa course, mais qui est arrivée trop tard en tout état de cause pour apporter un peu de lustre au salon. Certes, comme en 2011, AUSA asseoit son expansion et se maintient sur les deux niveaux du centre de congrès de Washington, alors qu’il n’en occupait qu’un seul en 2010.  Certes, le nombre de visiteurs s’annonce relativement stable d’une année sur l’autre. Le nombre d’exposant connaît toutefois un léger décrochage, passant de 708 à 671. Plus marquant est toutefois la chute spectaculaire du nombre d’officines gouvernementales présentes : elles étaient 96 en 2011, elles ne sont plus que 17 cette année.

 

Heureusement que les Frenchies étaient là pour faire le spectacle… Après  avoir présenté le VBCI puis le Casear au cours des éditions précédentes d’AUSA, Nexter a une fois de plus mis les petits plats dans les grands en déplaçant son XP2 en terre américaine. Le démonstrateur technologique 6×6 a terminé ses expérimentations et il est actuellement utilisé comme vitrine technologique. Son emploi du temps lui laissait donc toute latitude pour consacrer six à sept semaines nécessaires à la traversée de l’Atlantique en bateau dans un sens, puis dans l’autre…

 

« Nous avons emmené le XP2 sans idée préconçue » expliquait-on sur le stand de Nexter. « C’est un investissement à long terme : nous sommes ici pour déclencher la curiosité et montrer l’état de l’art de notre savoir-faire dans le domaine des véhicules blindés à roues ». En toile de fond de cet affichage, le programme américain AMPV (Armoured Multiple Purpose Vehicle) devant donner naissance à une famille de véhicules blindés. L’AMPV n’est encore qu’un embryon dans la matrice, mais il pourrait un jour devenir un beau bébé, le but affiché par l’US Army étant de remplacer les derniers M113 en service. On parle là d’environ 7000 véhicules, excusez du peu ! La route qui fera peut-être un jour se rejoindre l’AMPV et Nexter est longue comme un jour sans pain, mais ce dernier pouvait tout de même se satisfaire d’avoir eu la visite de quelques VIP galonnés sur son stand, parmi lesquels le général Gordon Sullivan, ancien CEMAT américain et actuel patron de l’AUSA, ainsi que quelques autres haut gradés du Tradoc (Training and Doctrine Command) et du Tacom (Tank Automotive and Armament Command).

 

A suivre

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25 octobre 2012 4 25 /10 /octobre /2012 06:35

MK-54 torpedo-test-03-2012

 

The U.S. military's shift to a more extensive Pacific presence includes the continued purchase by the Navy of P-8A maritime patrol aircraft.

 

 

Oct. 24, 2012 - By MARCUS WEISGERBER Defense News

 

The U.S. Defense Department plans to purchase weapons and equipment geared to combat in the Asia-Pacific, a maritime-heavy region that will require long-range, stealthy systems that were rarely used over the past decade of combat.

 

Even as it prepares to downsize, the Pentagon plans to purchase fighters, unmanned aircraft and intelligence aircraft in the coming years, while beginning development of systems, such as a long-range bomber.

 

“With the war in Iraq now over, and as we transition security responsibilities to the government of Afghanistan, we will release much of our military capacity that has been tied up there for other missions, like fostering peace and strengthening partnerships in the Asia-Pacific,” Deputy Defense Secretary Ashton Carter said during an Oct. 3 speech at the Woodrow Wilson Center in Washington.

 

“Naval assets that will be released from Afghanistan and the Middle East include surface combatants, amphibious ships and, eventually, aircraft carriers,” he said.

 

The Air Force will transition its unmanned systems, bomber and space forces to the Pacific, Carter said. The Air Force is also investing in a new aerial refueling tanker, the Boeing KC-46.

 

At the same time, the Army and Marine Corps will be freed up “for new missions in other regions.”

 

The Navy will install larger launch tubes in new Virginia-class submarines that will allow the vessels to carry cruise missiles, other weapons and small underwater vehicles. The service will also continue its purchase of Sikorsky

 

MH-60 helicopters, Boeing P-8A maritime patrol aircraft and the unmanned Broad Area Maritime Surveillance aircraft.

 

DoD also plans to invest in cyber, space and electronic warfare capabilities.

 

The Air Force, Navy and Marine Corps all plan to purchase the F-35 Joint Strike Fighter in the coming years.

 

U.S. spending priorities are in line with a new military strategy DoD released in January. One of the key tenets of the new strategy is being able to fight in a contested or denied battle space. The wars of the past decade in Iraq and Afghanistan have been fought in benign airspace, which have allowed all types of aircraft to fly with little threat of being shot down.

 

But budget cuts remain a major concern. The Pentagon already is cutting $487 billion from planned spending over the next decade. But the larger issue is the possibility of an additional $500 billion in cuts to planned spending over the next 10 years. Those reductions were mandated by the Budget Control Act of 2011 as a way to lower the U.S. deficit. These cuts, known as sequestration, are scheduled to go into effect in January.

 

Defense Secretary Leon Panetta and other top defense officials have argued that the magnitude of these reductions would hurt the military’s ability to rapidly respond. They have also said DoD would need to create a new military strategy if the additional cuts are enacted.

 

Industry has said the spending cuts would lead to mass layoffs, although other defense analysts and observers have said the reductions would not be felt for several years and would not be as devastating as depicted.

 

While many in Congress have voiced opposition to sequestration-level spending cuts, a comprehensive deal to lower the U.S. debt is not likely anytime soon. Congress has been out of session since September so members can campaign for the November elections. The U.S. presidential election is also looming and could reshape U.S. spending.

 

Advisers for Republican presidential candidate Mitt Romney have said the former Massachusetts governor would restore all planned DoD spending cuts immediately.

 

A Romney administration would allot 4 percent of the U.S. gross domestic product to the defense base budget, said Roger Zakheim, one of Romney’s senior defense advisers, at an Oct. 11 breakfast with reporters in Washington. Zakheim is on leave from his job as deputy staff director and general counsel of the House Armed Services Committee.

 

The fiscal 2012 Pentagon budget proposal, the last budget before the first round of spending cuts were announced, called for $2.99 trillion in defense spending from 2013 to 2017. That projection was cut by $259 billion after Congress passed the Budget Control Act in 2011.

 

If Romney is elected, his administration would likely not release a budget until next spring, as opposed to early February.

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25 octobre 2012 4 25 /10 /octobre /2012 06:10
US Army to re-designate Block III Apache as AH-64E

 

Oct. 24, 2012 by Dave Majumdar – FG

 

Washington DC - The US Army is re-designating the Boeing AH-64D Block III Apache as the AH-64E.

 

The decision comes as the upgraded attack helicopter is moved into full rate production after a successful operational test phase.

 

The Block III has a significant enough boost in capabilities to warrant the change in designation, says Boeing's Ray Handy, marketing manager and a pilot for the AH-64.

 

The soon-to-be E-model's rotor blades are made of composites and the airfoil is shaped differently, he says. Moreover, the entire drive system has been completely revamped, with the engines and transmission significantly upgraded. "It's a completely new gearbox," Handy says.

 

The new drive system, in many respects, restores performance of the helicopter to earlier days. The introduction of the D-model in the 1990s added a large amount of weight to the aircraft over the years.

 

"It has taken us back to the days when the Apache was a much lighter aircraft," says Todd Brown, Boeing's chief rotary-wing test pilot. The E-model is similar in performance to the much lighter A-model helicopter, he adds.

 

The Block III's avionics have also been greatly improved. The biggest change is that the system has moved to an open-architecture design. But there have also been improvements to the flight controls and flight management systems.

 

The aircraft's mission capabilities have also been greatly improved, although Brown declines to elaborate. However, Boeing says one of the biggest improvements in that regard is the addition of a level four manned-unmanned teaming system, which will allow the aircraft's crew to work with unmanned air vehicles.

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20 octobre 2012 6 20 /10 /octobre /2012 10:09

Predator over Afghanistan photo USAF

 

19/10/2012 Michel Cabirol – LaTribune.fr

 

Le ministère de la Défense a engagé des discussions informelles avec l'industriel américain, qui fabrique le Predator. Paris veut franciser le drone MALE américain en vue de garder son indépendance opérationnelle vis-à-vis des Etats-Unis.

 

La France et les Etats-Unis discutent à propos d'un achat français d'un drone MALE (Moyenne Altitude, Longue Endurance) américain. Plus précisément, le ministère de la Défense a "entamé à cette fin des discussions informelles avec l'industriel américain General Atomics", fabricant du fameux Predator, a expliqué la semaine dernière le délégué général de l'armement, Laurent Collet-Billon, aux députés de la commission de la défense de l'Assemblée nationale. "Si nous voulons doter nos forces très rapidement de moyens opérationnels, la seule source, ce sont les États-Unis, avec tous les inconvénients" connus, notamment "en matière de maîtrise des logiciels et de certains capteurs". Pourtant la période ne semble pas propice à une accélération des négociations.

 

Pourquoi ? "La période électorale aux États-Unis ne favorise pas un aboutissement immédiat de cette démarche", a-t-il précisé. Surtout et c'est lié, comme le fait valoir, le député PS de Meurthe-et-Moselle, Jean-Yves Le Déaut, "acheter du matériel américain" ne va "pas sans poser des problèmes de codes sources, que les Américains ne livrent jamais, pas même aux Britanniques". En clair, détenir les codes sources, qui relèvent souvent de la souveraineté nationale, c'est contrôler les missions des drones des pays clients, via les systèmes de commucation des drones (liaisons de données). Les pays clients "dépendent opérationnelles des Américains", explique un bon connaisseur du sujet. Cela peut être dérangeant pour la France d'être surveillée par les Etats-Unis ou de soir interdire une opération pour des raisons de stratégie américaine. D'où la volonté de la France de négocier une francisation des capteurs du Predator, qui se heurte aujourd'hui à la campagne présidentielle américaine. L'élection aura lieu le mardi 6 novembre.

 

Une européanisation du drone ?

 

"Nous travaillons sur la possibilité de distinguer la chaîne de pilotage de la chaîne de mission, de manière à doter ces drones de capteurs ou d'armements européens", a détaillé Laurent Collet-Billon. D'où les discussions avec General Atomics, qui ne produit ni les capteurs ni les armements. Pour autant, rappelle le délégué général pour l'armement, la France a réservé des crédits budgétaires à l'achat du système de drone MALE intermédiaire. "J'ai préservé les crédits qui nous permettront en 2013 de commander des drones, notamment le drone MALE intermédiaire", avait confirmé début octobre aux députés le ministre de la Défense, Jean-Yves Le Drian.

 

Pour Laurent Collet-Billon, l'achat du Predator apparait logique dans la mesure où "le Royaume-Uni et l'Italie possèdent déjà des drones de General Atomics. L'Allemagne a déposé en janvier 2012 une demande de FMS - Foreign Military Sale - pour l'acquisition de Predator". En outre, a souligné le délégué général pour l'armement, "l'Allemagne et la France ont engagé une réflexion, en cohérence avec nos travaux avec le Royaume-Uni, sur la possibilité d'entreprendre en commun une démarche d'européanisation des équipements et, progressivement, du drone". À plus long terme, "c'est-à-dire au-delà de 2020, le calendrier dépendra de nos capacités budgétaires et des priorités que nous aurons définies", a-t-il conclu

 

30 millions d'euros dépensés sur le drone Talarion abandonné

 

Sur le projet de drone MALE Talarion développé par EADS, "les crédits dépensés dans le cadre du programme se sont élevés à quelque 30 millions d'euros", a affirmé Laurent Collet-Billon. Et de souligner que "l'opération a été arrêtée parce qu'elle conduisait à un objet trop volumineux qui ne correspondait pas aux besoins de l'armée française". La première partie du travail sur Talarion portait sur la création d'un porteur. "Or cette opération, qui aurait été intégralement réalisée en Allemagne, nous aurait conduits jusqu'en 2017", a-t-il précisé. "Se posait aussi la question de la participation de notre industrie à la réalisation des capteurs. Nous n'avons donc pas poursuivi cette opération. Cela n'a d'ailleurs laissé aucune séquelle dans les relations entre l'Allemagne et la France", a-t-il assuré.

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17 octobre 2012 3 17 /10 /octobre /2012 07:25

Barack Obama Crédits photo Susan Walsh AP

 

16.10.2012, Amel Brahmi - LeParisien.fr

 

Les Etats-Unis, pays qui dépense le plus au monde en matière de Défense, doivent-ils encore augmenter leur budget ? La question devrait faire l’objet d’un vif échange mardi soir lors du deuxième débat présidentiel à Hempstead (New York). En particulier après l’attaque terroriste du 11 septembre en Libye, qui a coûté la vie à quatre fonctionnaires US dont un ambassadeur.

 

En 2011,  les Etats-Unis ont dépensé à eux seuls cinq fois plus que la Chine, 2è puissance militaire mondiale et plus que les 10 premières puissances militaires mondiales réunies ! Républicains et Démocrates ont des visions radicalement opposées sur la question. Obama, pour qui le premier débat avait un été un désastre (au lendemain il était devancé de 4 points par Mitt Romney dans les intentions de vote), peut s’attendre à des attaques virulentes de la part de son opposant Romney.

 

Une réduction de 1000 milliards pour les démocrates

 

Pour l'actuel président, il est temps que les Etats-Unis réduisent leur budget. Les démocrates ont longtemps accusé les républicains, et surtout l’administration Bush, d’avoir « financé deux guerres avec la carte de crédit des Américains ». Obama table sur l’instauration d’une paix durable en Afghanistan avec un retrait des troupes en 2014 et sur une pacification des relations internationales sur la région : il estime que les dépenses militaires ne sont plus justifiées.

 

Barack Obama a proposé environ 5,8 milliards de dollars de dépenses sur les dix prochaines années. Ce qui ramènerait le budget de la défense en 2022 à environ 11% des dépenses totales de l'Etat. Cette proposition prend en compte la réduction de 487 milliards de dollars décidé en 2011 pour les dépenses à la défense mais pas celle des 500 milliards, une réduction automatique également annoncée en 2011 et programmée pour l'année prochaine.

 

Le président a indiqué qu'il s'opposerait à tout projet de loi cherchant à supprimer ces réductions. Il ne les accepterait que si les dépenses étaient financées par une hausse du taux d'imposition des plus riches. Une idée qui fait grincer des dents les Républicains.

 

Une hausse de 2000 milliards pour les républicains

 

Mitt Romney et son colistier Paul Ryan ont martelé pendant la campagne la nécessité pour les Etats-Unis de rester la première puissance militaire au monde et de conserver son rôle de "pacificateur". Romney a indiqué dans son projet que l'une de ses priorités était d'empêcher toute réduction de budget.

 

Le candidat à la Maison Blanche préconise un budget de défense  équivalent à au moins 4% du PIB, et cela avant toute augmentation. Il a déclaré le mois dernier que son but était de « s’assurer que la force militaire américaine est tellement forte que personne n’oserait la tester. Et à mon sens cela passe par un niveau de dépense à 4% du PIB. » Cela reviendrait à des dépenses d’environ 8000 milliards de dollars sur les dix prochaines années, soit un peu plus de 2000 milliards de dollars de plus que les démocrates.

 

Mitt Romney qui perçoit l’Iran comme l’ennemi numéro 1 des Etats-Unis mais aussi d’Israël, souhaite que les Etats-Unis continuent de renforcer leur force de frappe. Difficile de défendre une telle position tout en niant l'intention d’attaquer.

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16 octobre 2012 2 16 /10 /octobre /2012 07:25

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/thumb/0/09/Admiral_Samuel_J._Locklear_III_2012.jpg/480px-Admiral_Samuel_J._Locklear_III_2012.jpg

 

16 October 2012 By Donna Miles / American Forces Press Service – Pacific Sentinel

 

WASHINGTON, Oct. 15, 2012 – In his first visit to India as commander of U.S. Pacific Command, Navy Adm. Samuel J. Locklear III encouraged a closer defense relationship between the United States and India in which they address shared interests to promote long-term regional security and stability.

 

Locklear emphasized the U.S. interest in taking its relationship with India to the next level during meetings with Defense Minister A.K. Antony, Chief of Integrated Defense Staff Vice Adm. SPS Cheema and other officials in New Delhi.

 

“Building a strong military relationship with India builds understanding and deepens established ties that will contribute to the larger Asia-Pacific region,” Locklear said during an Oct. 12 roundtable discussion at the Observer Research Foundation think tank following the sessions.

 

Locklear, who made a priority of developing the U.S.-India strategic partnership when he took the helm at Pacom in March, noted the two countries’ common values and their mutual interest in a secure environment that promotes stability and allows economies to grow.

 

He emphasized the impact of globalization, which has increased the importance of sea lanes as a conduit of global commerce and the free flow of information in cyberspace.

 

“The economic system is so interlocked that a disruption of the flow of … goods that disrupts the economy, in and of itself, is a security threat,” the admiral told a Hindustan Times reporter.

 

But globalization also has given rise to terrorist structures and groups conducting illicit activities no longer limited by national borders, he noted. That demands closer cooperation among regional nations so they can work together to support their shared concerns, Locklear said.

 

“We’re seeing an environment that demands more multilateralism,” he said. “A regional environment utilizing strengthened partnerships and alliances will uphold long-term diplomacy, security and prosperity.”

 

Locklear noted a “quite productive” effort to increase compatibility between the U.S. and Indian militaries, particularly in the maritime domain. But he encouraged closer future cooperation in two additional areas: counterterrorism and disaster response.

 

“I believe that where we have the most to gain in interaction is counterterrorism,” he said. “We both have similar concerns, not just about counterterrorism in the immediate area of any one country. It’s the spread of that terrorism, and its ability to upset the security environment in a way not productive for the future.”

 

Locklear also recognized the value of regional collaboration to provide better responses to natural disasters and reduce suffering. “Militaries have a role in being able to respond early and jump start [that response],” he said. “I believe the United States and India share a very similar perspective on the importance of that.”

 

To improve their ability to work cooperatively, the admiral acknowledged the need to increase technology-sharing. Defense Secretary Leon E. Panetta made that point when he visited India in June, and Deputy Defense Secretary Ashton B. Carter re-emphasized it during his follow-up visit to New Delhi in July.

 

“When it relates to our defense trade initiatives, there needs to be some streamlining, with more efficiency in it,” Locklear agreed. “Certainly the timelines and bureaucracies on both sides need to be streamlined.”

 

He applauded efforts both countries are making in that direction, recognizing that increasing compatibility benefits the entire region.

 

“We … need the Indian military to have the very best equipment it can,” Locklear said. “It is in the best interest of Pacom, and I believe of the security of the Asia-Pacific region, for the United States and our partners and allies in this region to be able for us to come together in a military way and be able to operate together effectively when necessary.”

 

Asked about China’s role, Locklear emphasized the importance of engaging positively with China as it emerges as a regional and global power and leader.

 

“If you step back and look at the strategic rise of China, it shouldn’t be unexpected that as China rises in both economic and military power, they will start to have a greater influence on their neighbors and the region in which they live, and eventually, on the global environment,” he said.

 

“The question is, ‘How do we as a global community … attempt to allow China to … become a productive member of the security environment?’” Locklear said. “India and the U.S. share that as a common concern, and it should be a common objective.”

 

The alternative, he said, is not good for anyone. Historically, turmoil has occurred when emerging powers like China entered into mature security environments that included a superpower like the United States. “In the past, we haven’t had a lot of success with that happening without conflict,” Locklear said.

 

“But today, the stakes are different. The world population is much more interlocked than in the past,” he said. “We must see a future where China emerges productively and is contributing to a secure, peaceful environment and is not on the outside, looking in, or vice versa.”

 

(Army Staff Sgt. Carl N. Hudson of U.S. Pacific Command contributed to this article.)

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12 octobre 2012 5 12 /10 /octobre /2012 16:30

pentagon source defenseWeb

 

11 octobre 2012. par Jacques N. Godbout – 45enord.ca

 

Si les hommes et les femmes politiques des États-Unis ne parviennent toujours pas à s’entendre d’ici le 2 janvier 2013 sur une façon de réduire le déficit, le couperet tombera et s’enclenchera alors un processus de ponctions budgétaires automatiques qui affecteront tant le budget de la Défense que les programmes sociaux américains et ne manqueront pas d’avoir des répercussions au Canada, comme chez tous les alliés des États-Unis.

 

On se rappelle qu’en 2011, devant l’impossibilité pour les républicains et les démocrates de s’entendre sur la réduction du déficit, une loi sur le contrôle budgétaire avait créé un « Super-comité » pour traiter de la réforme fiscale.

 

Ce « Budget Control Act » tient aussi lieu de budget. Cette loi définit en effet des plafonds discrétionnaires pendant 10 ans, au lieu de la seule année normalement située dans une résolution sur le budget et elle fournit des mécanismes d’application, y compris les ponctions budgétaires tant redoutées.

 

À défaut d’une entente, s’enclenchera donc bientôt ce processus de qui réduira le financement du Pentagone de 54,7 milliards de dollars de coupes additionnellespour l’exercice 2013, avec pour conséquences la réduction de la disponibilité opérationnelle des unités non déployées, un retard dans les investissements dans de nouveaux équipements et l’affaiblissement des programmes de recherche.

 

Voici quelles pourraient être les ponctions les plus importantes en matière de défense selon l’« Office of management and budget » de la Maison Blanche.

 

    15,3 milliards de dollars US proviendraient de coupes dans les programmes d’achat du Pentagone

    7,48 milliards de dollars proviendraient des programmes de recherche et de développement.

    Un montant supplémentaire de 26,4 milliards proviendrait de l’ensemble des opérations du Pentagone et des comptes d’entretien qui financent les opérations quotidiennes de l’armée américaine, indique le rapport.

 

Selon ce rapport, un tableau les réductions affecteraient différentes parties du budget de la Défense américaine.

 

    2,24 milliards de dollars des comptes de la Marine pour l’achat des avions, notamment les fonds utilisés pour financer le début de la production des avions de chasse F-35 de Lockheed Martin Corp et les achats supplémentaires d’avions à rotors basculants V-22 construits par Boeing Co et la division Textron Inc de Bell Helicopter.

    2,14 milliards de dollars des comptes de la construction navale de la marine utilisés pour financer les travaux sur un nouveau porte-avions en cours de construction par Huntington Ingalls Industries, ainsi que les fonds pour les sous-marins nucléaires et les destroyers, également construits par Huntington Ingalls et General Dynamics Corp

     843 millions de dollars d’achat d’avions pour l’Armée, des coupes qui pourraient frapper quelques gros hélicoptères de 2 fournisseurs, Boeing et Sikorsky Aircraft, filiale de United Technologies Corp

    1,25 milliard de dollars provenant d’autres comptes d’approvisionnement de l’armée

    2,01 milliards de dollars de coupes sur les achats d’avions par la US Air Force, dont une grande partie devait être utilisée pour l’achat des F-35

    2,23 milliards de dollars de ponctions sur l’argent que l’Air force devait dépenser sur les programmes d’armement classés

 

Parmi les ponctions qui affecteraient les opérations, il y aurait, notamment:

 

    3,27 milliards de dollars proviendraient du programme de santé du Pentagone

    4.29 milliards de dollars de coupes proviendraient des opérations de la Marine et de ses comptes d’entretien

    6,87 milliards de dollars des comptes d’opérations de l’armée

    4,27 milliards de dollars des comptes d’opérations de la Force aérienne

 

et, finalement,

 

    1,33 milliard de dollars de fonds du Pentagone pour aider l’Afghanistan à développer ses propres forces de sécurité.

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9 octobre 2012 2 09 /10 /octobre /2012 17:45

http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/9/95/Usaf.u2.750pix.jpg

 

October 9, 2012. David Pugliese - Defence Watch

 

This is written by U.S.A.F. public affairs Senior Airman Shawn Nickel:

 

Whether people recognize it by the Snoopy-like nose or by the flat black paint and red lettering on the tail, the U-2 has become an Air Force reconnaissance icon in its 50 years of military operations.

 

Since the first model was assembled in the 1950s, the aircraft’s original, shiny aluminum skin has evolved to the current flat black paint scheme, and its mission has broadened as intelligence imagery techniques have improved.

 

It was originally designed to fly high-altitude intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance missions during the Cold War to gather intelligence on opposition forces. Today the U-2S flies in support of a variety of missions from ground combat to disaster relief. The aircraft has been updated over the years with a 33 percent larger frame, fiber-optic wiring and an all glass cockpit. These improvements increase the aircraft’s payload and loiter time, making it easier to fly.

 

The U-2′s dynamic airframe can carry approximately 4,000 pounds of equipment, paving the way as a test platform for new technologies. With its immense and diverse payload capacity, it is capable of a multitude of missions. Some pilots describe it as the “Lego” airplane.

 

“It’s like Mr. Potato Head,” said Lt. Col. John, an instructor pilot with the 99th Reconnaissance Squadron. “You just take one part out and add a new one. There are so many new developments running through the works right now. New weapons systems are going to emerge and accelerate the curve of the U-2 even more.”

 

One of the aircraft’s primary missions is to capture imagery via the decades-old, wet-film camera, which is sharp enough to see roadside bombs from 70,000 feet and offers greater resolution than any digital sensors available.

 

“The U-2 started out only carrying a wet-film camera. Now, with today’s technology, I’m alone up there, but I may be carrying 40 to 50 Airmen via data link who are back at a (deployable ground station),” John said.

 

In addition to its other capabilities, the U-2 provides service members on the ground with the intelligence they need to effectively carry out their mission, said Capt. Michael, a 1st Reconnaissance Squadron instructor pilot. This could include acting as an antenna to troops on the ground in Afghanistan or providing detailed imagery during a natural disaster.

 

“We are up there to make a difference,” Michael said. “We are there to make an impact on the troops we support.”

 

For operational security reasons, many details about the U-2 and its mission are unknown to the public. When the airframe was in its infancy, even pilots coming into the program knew very little about it. One of those men is retired Lt. Col. Tony Bevacqua, one of the original Air Force U-2 pilots.

 

Since the jet was developed at the height of the Cold War, it was used extensively over the Soviet Union, Cuba, and other opposition countries. Bevacqua said every precaution was taken to keep the technology from leaking into enemy hands.

 

“I volunteered for an assignment I knew nothing about, and they wouldn’t tell me anything about the U-2,” Bevacqua said. “The aircraft was state-of-the-art back then; no one in the public knew about it.”

 

This first class of pilots had to learn everything about the aircraft from the ground up. They developed the first U-2 training program in a matter of weeks, much of which is still used today.

 

“Before I joined the Air Force, I’d never even built a model airplane, but we trained hard to learn everything about the U-2,” he said. “After weeks of being the first pilots in the U-2, we became the instructors for the second class of pilots.”

 

The program is considered an exclusive group, with less than 80 current U-2 pilots.

 

“There are more people who have Super Bowl rings than there are U-2 pilots,” said Lt. Col. Stephen Rodriguez, the 1st Reconnaissance Squadron commander. “There are less than 1,000 pilots in the history of this program. That’s less than some airframes train in one year.”

 

After flying for years in other military airframes, a pilot from any U.S. service can apply to fly the U-2, Rodriquez said. Following a strict interview process, he sends these prospective aviators on a series of training flights to test the pilot’s aptitude.

 

“We interview applicants to screen for airmanship, maturity and ability to adapt to the U-2′s unique landing characteristics,” he said. “Allowing inter-service transfers brings lessons from outside the Air Force, which helps us at operating in a joint environment.”

 

Although the pilots are the face of the U-2′s mission, hundreds of Airmen behind closed doors in windowless buildings exploit, disseminate and transmit the information the aircraft collects. These Airmen provide mission-essential assistance to commanders around the globe.

 

“To be able to support the warfighter from the U.S. is a great feeling,” said Master Sgt. Sean, the 9th Intelligence Squadron flight lead. “We contribute to the mission downrange whether we deploy and support the efforts with manpower and bullets or we support it through ‘intel’ from home station.”

 

The U-2 is at a high operational tempo and with the program schedule to endure through 2040, there are no signs of slowing down. U-2 pilots will continue to provide timely, relevant and persistent high altitude ISR to meet the needs of the nation’s leaders to support the current fight and any future challenges our nation may face.

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3 octobre 2012 3 03 /10 /octobre /2012 17:15

MK-54 torpedo-test-03-2012

 

October 2, 2012 By Sydney J. Freedberg Jr. – aol.defense

 

The Navy's jet-powered P-8 Poseidon patrol plane boasts plenty of advances over the P-3 Orion turboprops it will replace, but for the sensor operators the favorite feature will be very basic: They won't throw up as much.
 

The P-3's notoriously rough ride at low altitudes and the gunpowder-like stench from the launch tube shooting sonar buoys out the back meant that, "typically, every mission or two you'd have somebody get sick [and] start throwing up into their air sickness bag," said Navy Captain Aaron Rondeau, a P-3 veteran who now runs the P-8 program. "We haven't seen that much with the P-8."


With its more modern and less rigid wing, "it's a much smoother ride than the P-3," Rondeau explained, and the buoys are now launched by compressed air, without the old system's stink. And that just means, he said, that "If your aircrews aren't sticking their heads in barf bags, they can do their missions better."

Not everyone really cares whether the operators barf in the back and believe in the P-8's higher-altitude approach. "I don't think it will work as well," noted naval expert Norman Polmar said bluntly. "It's rather controversial."

In particular, after some waffling back and forth, the Navy decided to leave off a sensor called the Magnetic Anomaly Detector (MAD), which can detect the metal hulls of submarines -- if the plane flies low enough. MAD was crucial to the P-3's traditional low-altitude tactics. Significantly, the P-8 variant that  Boeing is building for the Indian Navy will still have it; only the US Navy P-8 will not. Both Rondeau and Boeing argue that the P-8 can more than compensate with more sophisticated sensors and by using its superior computing power to interpret their data.

So with the P-8, the Navy is not just replacing a sixties-vintage propeller plane with a more modern jet, derived from the widely used Boeing 737. It's also betting on new technology to enable a high-altitude approach to both long-range reconnaissance and hunting hostile submarines.

Traditional "maritime patrol aircraft" like the P-3 spend part of their time at high altitude but regularly swoop down, sometimes as low as 200 feet above the waves, to drop sonar buoys, scan for subs with the magnetic anomaly detector, launch torpedoes, and simply eyeball unidentified vessels on the surface. But jets like the P-8 are significantly less fuel-efficient at low altitudes than turboprops like the P-3.

"There's a misconception," said Rondeau. "Some people think that that means P-8 can't do low-altitude anti-submarine warfare [ASW]. We can, and it's very effective down low, [but] we will eventually get to the point where we stay at higher altitudes."

For some of the new sub-hunting technologies, Rondeau argued, going higher actually gives you a better look. Today, for example, one key tool is a kind of air-dropped buoy that hits the water and then explodes, sending out a powerful pulse of sound that travels a long way through the water and reflects off the hulls of submarines, creating sonar signals that other, listening-device buoys then pick up. (The technical name is Improved Extended Echo Ranging, or IEER). Obviously, an explosive buoy can only be used once, and the sonar signal its detonation generates is not precisely calibrated. So the Navy is developing a new kind of buoy called MAC (Multistatic Active Coherent), which generates sound electronically, allowing it to emit multiple, precise pulses before its battery runs down.

"It will last longer and you're able to do more things with it," Rondeau said. And because a field of MAC buoys can cover a wider search area, he said, "we need to stay up high... to be able to receive data from all these buoys and control all these buoys at the same time."

An early version of MAC will go on P-3s next year and on P-8s in 2014, but only the P-8 will get the fully featured version, as part of a suite of upgrades scheduled for 2017. The Navy is deliberately going slow with the new technology. Early P-8s will feature systems already proven on the P-3 fleet and will then be upgraded incrementally. The P-8 airframe itself is simply a militarized Boeing 737, with a modified wing, fewer windows, a bomb-bay, weapons racks on the wings, and a beefed-up structure.

This low-risk approach earned rare words of praise from the Government Accountability Office, normally quick to criticize Pentagon programs for technological overreach. "The P-8A," GAO wrote, "entered production in August 2010 with mature technologies, a stable design, and proven production processes." (There have been issues with counterfeit parts from China, however).

"We had to have this airplane on time," Rondeau said: The P-3s were getting so old, and their hulls are so badly metal-fatigued, that they were all too often grounded for repairs.

So far, Boeing has delivered three P-8As to the training squadron in Jacksonville, Florida. They were preceeded by eight test aircraft, some of which have just returned from an anti-submarine exerise out of Guam. The first operational deployment will come in December 2013, to an unspecified location in the Western Pacific. There the Navy will get to test its new sub-seeking techniques against the growing and increasingly effective Chinese underwater force.

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1 octobre 2012 1 01 /10 /octobre /2012 07:55

MFSV Mobile Strike Force Vehicle photo US Army

 

01.10.2012 Le Monde.fr avec AFP

La Maison Blanche a assuré dimanche que la mission de l'OTAN se poursuivait en Afghanistan, après une fusillade vendredi, dans des conditions obscures, entre la force internationale de l'OTAN (ISAF) et l'armée afghane, qui a abouti à la mort d'un soldat américain des forces spéciales et d'un civil américain travaillant pour elle ainsi que de trois militaires afghans.

Avec cet incident, les Etats-Unis dépassent le cap des 2 000 morts en Afghanistan depuis qu'ils sont intervenus dans ce pays, le 7 octobre 2001, pour en chasser les talibans, indique la BBC.

 

Le site Internet indépendant icasualties.org, qui compile les données sur les soldats tués au cours de l'opération Enduring Freedom ("Liberté immuable"), qui a débuté en octobre 2001, évoque de son côté 2 036 morts américains. Le Washington Post en indique 2 098.

 

Les militaires américains passent le cap des 2 000 morts en Afghanistan

 

"Ces attaques n'affaiblissent en aucune manière l'engagement du président, l'engagement de nos hommes et de nos femmes en uniforme ou l'engagement de nos alliés à poursuivre et à achever avec succès la mission qui vise à mettre fin à la guerre en Afghanistan en 2014", a déclaré le porte-parole adjoint de la présidence américaine Josh Earnest.

 

M. Earnest a rappelé que les Etats-Unis et leurs alliés avaient pris un certain nombre de mesures pour diminuer les risques d'attaques présumées "de l'intérieur", c'est-à-dire menées contre l'ISAF par des hommes portant l'uniforme afghan.

 

Les opérations associant l'OTAN et l'armée afghane ont d'ailleurs repris "normalement", avait indiqué samedi le secrétaire américain à la défense Leon Panetta, après avoir été limitées en raison d'une hausse de ces attaques "de l'intérieur".

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26 septembre 2012 3 26 /09 /septembre /2012 17:25

système de défense anti-missiles Arrow 3

 

Tel Aviv, Israel (UPI) Sep 25, 2012 Spacewar.com

 

The crucial first test-firing of Israel's Arrow-3 interceptor missile, designed to destroy ballistic weapons, reportedly has been postponed despite efforts to boost the Jewish state's missile defenses amid threats of pre-emptive strikes against Iran.

 

The development of the Arrow-3 program, which is being carried out by state-owned Israel Aerospace Industries and Boeing of the United States, is a year behind schedule.

 

The first full-scale test, firing the two-stage missile against a simulated target, had been planned for this month but the U.S. weekly Space News reported the flight has been postponed until the end of the year.

 

IAI declined to say what the problem is but Israel's Globes business daily reported that it appears to be serious because the test missile has been returned to IAI for unspecified repairs from the launch site at Palmachim Air Base on the Mediterranean coast south of Tel Aviv.

 

Israel's national news agency reported in August that the new Block 4 generation of interceptors, radars and technologies for synchronizing Arrow-3 with U.S. systems is being installed in Israeli batteries, a process that could take some time.

 

Arrow-3, largely funded by the United States since the program was launched in 1988, is designed to intercept long-range ballistic missiles, which for the Israelis these days means Iranian or Syrian weapons.

 

It will be the top level of a four-tier missile defense shield, Israel's most advanced anti-missile system, able to intercept hostile missiles in space outside Earth's atmosphere. It will be able to engage at altitudes double that of the Arrow-2, the current mainstay for covering against ballistic missiles, using detachable warheads that become killer satellites that seek out targets and crash into them.

 

This highly maneuverable system uses a lighter missile than Arrow-2, not only extending Arrow-3's operational altitude but the missile's range as well.

 

The Israeli military's website says the mobile Arrow interceptors include a number of sensors able to identify and intercept incoming missiles with extreme accuracy. These are hooked into long-range, ground-based Super Green Pine radar systems which can identify and track missiles and a new missile control center linking the Arrow batteries, collectively known as the "Defensive Sword" unit.

 

The semi-mobile radar unit is an advanced version of the EL/M-2080 Green Pine system used in Arrow-1 and 2. It's built by Elta, a subsidiary of IAI's Electronics Group. The various components are controlled by the mobile Citron Tree battle management center, built by Israel's Tadiran Electronics.

 

Since all these components are mobile to one degree or another, the system as a whole is more likely to survive pre-emptive strikes than fixed systems.

 

Arrow-3 is due to become operational in 2014 but it's not clear whether the current problems will delay that.

 

Arrow-1 was deployed in 2001 and replaced by Arrow-2. That system remains operational and will be maintain as a backup for Arrow 3, doubling Israel's chances of nailing hostile ballistic missiles.

 

The new variant is considered to be a far more advanced weapon than the U.S. MIM-104 Patriot, a long-range air-defense system built by Raytheon Integrated Defense Systems.

 

Israel's air defense shield has been integrated with U.S. systems during recent joint exercises to combat missile attacks.

 

Overall responsibility for Arrow lies with the U.S. Missile Defense Organization in Washington and the Israeli Defense Ministry in Tel Aviv.

 

IAI's MLM Division is the prime contractor. Apart from Boeing, which manufactures some 35 percent of the missile, key U.S. subcontractors include Lockheed Martin Missiles and Fire Control, which makes the radar seeker, and Raytheon, which produces the infrared seeker.

 

Boeing is expected to produce at least half of the Arrow-3 interceptors in the United States, with Israel handling the integration.

 

It sees prospects for export deals, something both Boeing and IAI are keen to promote as foreign sales of weapons systems have become of paramount importance to defense contractors amid widespread defense cutbacks.

 

India would like to buy an Arrow battery and purchased a Green Pine radar system in 2001. South Korea's also reported to be interested.

 

However, so far the Americans have blocked export initiatives, citing concerns regarding the Missile Technology Control Regime that limits the proliferation of ballistic missile technology.

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25 septembre 2012 2 25 /09 /septembre /2012 12:20

RAF-Reaper--photo-UK-MoD.jpg

At Creech Air Force Base, Nevada, a Reaper drone prepares for a training mission

 

24 Sep 2012 By Rob Blackhurst - telegraph.co.uk

 

The unmanned aircraft patrolling the skies above Afghanistan are controlled by pilots sitting in front of screens as far as 7,000 miles away

 

Kandahar Airfield in southern Afghanistan is reckoned to be as busy as Gatwick. Every few minutes the cloudless skies are filled with the roar of a military fighter taking off – hugging the ground to avoid pot shots by the Taliban’s crude rockets before disappearing into the heat haze.

 

In between there is a more persistent sound: the high-pitched whirr of 'drones’ – military aircraft without a human on board – as they head out for 18-hour stints monitoring the vast empty spaces of Afghanistan. This sound, generated by the aircraft’s tail propeller, is a constant white noise for the inhabitants of Kandahar Airfield.

 

It is said the term 'drone’ originated with a 1930s pilotless version of the British Fairey Queen fighter, the 'Queen Bee’. But, with the new generation of insect-like small aircraft, together with its monotonous engine noise, the name has never been more apt.

 


Reaper drone flies over Afghanistan without pilot. Image: GETTY

 

Before 9/11, drones were a new, untried technology. Now it is estimated that 40 countries are trying to buy or develop unmanned aircraft. The United States operates 7,500 drones or, in the official parlance, Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs), making up more than 40 per cent of Department of Defense aircraft. They have been the weapon of choice for the US to assassinate 'high value targets’ – as the military call them – from al-Qaeda and the Taliban.

Last year in Libya an American drone identified and attacked the convoy Colonel Gaddafi was travelling in. A few hours later, after fleeing, he was caught by rebels and killed. And since the killing of Osama bin Laden, al-Qaeda’s top ranks have been eviscerated by drone strikes, culminating in June in the killing of Abu Yahya al-Libi, the al-Qaeda deputy in Pakistan. In military terms, their success is not in doubt. They have disrupted al-Qaeda by forcing its commanders to abandon telephones (drones can listen in on calls) and avoid meetings, communicating only by courier.

 

But drone strikes have also led to mass protests in Pakistan and spawned numerous campaigns against them. Do they really represent a new, sinister form of battle in which moral judgments are delegated to machines? And does their deadly accuracy ensure that 'collateral damage’ is minimised, protecting civilians in war zones? Or do they encourage trigger-happy pilots, free from risk in their cockpits on the ground?

 

Since 2007 the RAF has operated 39 Squadron, a detachment of five US-built MQ-9 Reaper aircraft at Kandahar Airfield. While America has a sprawling UAV programme targeting Islamic militants everywhere from Pakistan to Somalia, British Reapers have only ever been used as part of the official combat mission against the Taliban over Afghanistan.

 

The vast majority of the 38,500 hours of operations flown by the RAF Reapers have been in intelligence-gathering rather than in attacking targets. Most of the 35 RAF Reaper pilots are based at Creech, an airfield near Las Vegas, where they control the aircraft via satellite as they fly over Afghanistan.

 

An RAF Reaper drone in its shelter at Kandahar Airfield, Afghanistan, armed and ready for a mission (NEIL DUNRIDGE)

 

But the two-second delay between a pilot moving a joystick in Nevada and an aircraft responding in Afghanistan is enough to cause a crash during take-off and landing. Crews in Afghanistan control 'launch and recovery’ through direct contact with antennae on the aircraft. Half an hour after take-off, control of the Reaper is handed to a crew in Nevada; half an hour before landing, it returns to the crews on the ground in Kandahar.

 

Kandahar Airfield is a vast, crowded military camp, full of private-security contractors in new SUVs, soccer pitches, traffic jams, and the 'boardwalk’ – a Midwest-style town square where soldiers carrying automatic weapons visit frozen-yogurt outlets and TGI Friday’s. Far from prying eyes, the Reaper pilots work in a corner of the airfield behind concrete blast barriers to protect them from the sporadic Taliban rocket attacks.

 

Their cockpit is a cabin full of wires and computer servers – a sealed and spotless world without the film of white dust that covers Kandahar Airfield. The crew sit side by side in leather seats as if in a conventional aircraft, dressed in all-in-one khaki flight suits. A technician fiddles with wires on a bank of hard drives. Office carpets cover the floor. Apart from the low rumble of the air-conditioning, it is as silent as a cathedral.

 

A black-and-white screen is filled with the featureless landscape of southern Afghanistan’s red desert. The conventional head-up display is superimposed on the screen, as in any fighter aircraft, giving the details of altitude and pitch that a pilot needs. But, unlike in a conventional aircraft, the pilot can switch the camera view in front of him to see behind or below. He manoeuvres the aircraft with a games console-style joystick. In front of the pilot is a keyboard, next to him a telephone. Reaper pilots can make telephone calls, or email photographs to operational commanders; they can go to the lavatory or get coffee during a flight.

 

A slogan among Reaper pilots is 'no comms, no bombs’: the system is wholly dependent on satellite links working. If there is an IT breakdown, the Reaper’s lost link’ program directs it to land at the nearest air base. Seated next to the pilot, the sensor operator controls a swivelling electronic eyeball on the nose of the Reaper, fitted with infrared sensors for night vision.

 

'We can say to troops on the ground, “Hey, we saw this guy run out of the compound – he’s hiding in the field,”’ Winston, an American former F-16 pilot who has moved to the Reaper, says. 'We can see headlights and engines that are hot from vehicles that have run recently. If a command wire has been placed across the road, the infrared will show the earth a different colour where it has been disturbed – and you can save a convoy from driving over an IED.’

 

Half an hour earlier, via Internet Relay Chat (a kind of instant messaging), the pilots took control back from the crews in Nevada at the end of a mission without a word being spoken. The word ready appeared on the screen in front of us, typed by the pilot in Creech. The pilot in front of us replied, ready. ours. Then yours flashed up on the screen, confirming the handover.

 

Tension fills the cabin as the pilot lines up the Reaper with the runway for landing. No speaking is allowed, since landing the aircraft, with its long, glider-style wings and lightweight body, requires concentration. Sandstorms and 60-knot crosswinds frequently buffet the aircraft, and the margin of error between a safe landing and a crash is only one degree of pitch. As the infrared outline of the hot tarmac looms into view on the pilot’s screen, there is no sense that the aircraft is descending, nor any jolt as the undercarriage retracts.

 

All the sensory instincts a pilot normally uses are missing; he is forced to fly by the instruments. Reaper pilots rely on forward-facing camera and see through the 'soda-straw’ view. As the Reaper nears the ground, the pilot calls out the altitude: '10, 9, 8, 7, 6…’ The only way we know he has landed is when the altitude reading on the head-up display is zero feet.

 

A short walk from the flight cabins are the mess rooms of the huge US Reconnaissance Force Reaper unit that shares facilities and operations with the RAF. On the wall are children’s paintings with messages to Daddy, and vintage Apocalypse Now posters. Small talk is of next week’s squadron barbecue. In this US military milieu, the RAF has colonised a corner with Union flag-covered lockers and photographs of the Duchess of Cambridge. More startling are the 1970s photographs of a thickly mustachioed Burt Reynolds, mirrored in the upper-lip growths of the airmen sitting drinking soda. (It is the end of 'Moustache March’, an annual USAF contest to grow facial hair for charity.)

 

An RAF Reaper pilot at Kandahar Airfield, Afghanistan, controls a Reaper drone, with the help of a sensor operator, to his right (NEIL DUNRIDGE)

 

The RAF crews based at Creech take their place in a four-month rotation in the 'launch and recovery unit’ in Afghanistan. Sitting in the mess are Oz, a bald, middle-aged RAF Reaper pilot who has flown three tours of duty in the Tornado, and DJ, a former Royal Navy helicopter pilot. Both seem too grizzled to be described as PlayStation warriors. Like these two, all the RAF Reaper pilots have been trained to fly conventional aircraft, and most have fought in previous wars.

 

These pilots talk up the similarities with manned aircraft. Although they don’t suffer the exhausting effects of g-force and can’t look out of the window, they admit to flinching when they see something coming towards the aircraft.

'It’s irrelevant where you are physically sitting,’ Oz says. 'You’re attached to the airframe, you’re attached to the view that you see, and you’re attached to the laws of armed conflict.’

 

He reacts with cool anger to suggestions that this mode of war reduces victims to the status of players in a video game. 'It’s a bugbear of mine because I’ve had the accusation levelled that it’s a Star Wars game. It’s anything but. If we act like it’s Star Wars, there are people in the command centre watching us and listening to what we do. The taking of human life is not something to be considered lightly. OK, they are bad guys we are killing, but they are still human beings.’

He also bridles at the suggestion that UAVs leave moral judgments to machines. 'The plane cannot start, cannot fly and cannot release a weapon without us doing it. Human beings are in the cockpit – exactly the same as when I was flying a Tornado. We just happen to be 8,000 miles away from the plane.’

 

The courtly, upright American colonel in charge of Reaper operations, 'Ghost’, arrives, just back from the Kandahar military hospital, where he was visiting an American soldier shot in the leg on the battlefield. His Reapers provided 'overwatch’ while the soldier was evacuated by helicopter. It is common for the squadron to receive texts or emails of thanks from those they have protected. A group of Royal Marines made a trip to Las Vegas last year to thank the pilots in person.'We’ve had Humvees breaking down,’ Ghost says, 'and we’ve provided overwatch. You’re not going to get a good night’s sleep in the middle of the desert in Afghanistan normally, but if you’ve got a Reaper overhead that’s got your back, then you can.’

 

Afghanistan has been the ideal conflict for the Reaper. Unlike conventional fast-jets, which provide intelligence to troops on the ground only for short periods before having to refuel, the Reaper can stay in the air for 18 hours. It can stream real-time video feeds to troops for the duration of a skirmish, allowing them to see the Taliban’s positions on their laptops. And if they are required to fulfil their other major role, killing Taliban forces judged an immediate threat, they can circle for hours above a compound or a village, waiting for a confirmed sighting in the open of their target, before dispatching one of their laser-guided Hellfire missiles. These Taliban fighters won’t even know that they are being watched – at 15,000ft, Reapers usually fly too high to be seen or heard.

 

Stories spill out of the pilots. 'A British vehicle was disabled and the troops had to leave it,’ Oz says. 'The Taliban showed up in numbers. And we provided overwatch for them for hours while they [British troops] withdrew. They were able to withdraw without the fear of being overrun.’ Sometimes the threat of force isn’t enough, DJ says: 'We got called in because US Marines were under fire and were pinned down. We prosecuted [military jargon for 'killed’] two chaps. That broke their fire. The other four scampered, allowing the other Marines to withdraw.’

 

The Reaper pilots insist their high-resolution cameras, as well as the long periods that they can stay airborne, give them more time to weigh decisions before weapons are fired.

 

'On a fast-jet, because of the speed you’re coming in at, you don’t have the fuel and the time to hang around. But we can sit on top of this thing for hours at a time,’ Oz says. 'We have the luxury to pick up the phone and say, look – something just doesn’t look right here.’

 

This recently happened when the RAF Reaper pilots saw what they thought were Taliban insurgents preparing to fire. 'But something didn’t make sense. These guys seemed a bit too casual. So we checked for longer. As soon as these guys hit the road, they suddenly went into tactical column. We suddenly realised they were Afghan National Army. They weren’t the best-disciplined troops until their sergeant was looking at them. The luxury we have is that we can just sit there and say, we’ll just watch this for a few more minutes.’

 

The mantra that the Reaper pilots repeat is 'zero expectations of civilian casualties’. They are forbidden to attack buildings if there are women and children in the area and they avoid targeting property. In Afghanistan village life, Taliban fighters are never far away from women and children.

 

In internal reporting the RAF has dropped the term 'compound’ because it obscures the simple truth that these are houses. As one senior commander told me, 'We’re trying to get it into the guys’ heads that this is not compound no 28, it’s 34 Acacia Drive – so you don’t hit it.’

 

According to Oz, 'We’ll spend hours watching some guy. There have been plenty of times when I’ve had a clearly identified enemy combatant under my crosshairs and I haven’t been able to fire at him because he’s in a village and there are civilians around. If there’s any doubt, we won’t fire. Apart from the tragedy of wounding or killing an innocent civilian, it plays straight into the hands of the enemy for propaganda – it’s a double whammy. You have to wait for your opportunity.’

 

It is curious that civilian casualties from drone strikes receive so much attention, while those caused by conventional attack aircraft, whose pilots are also miles away from their targets, are overlooked. But this is because anti-drone campaigners doubt the MoD’s estimates of civilian casualties.

Reapers have, as of September this year, fired their weapons 319 times and killed four civilians in total since they started operating in Afghanistan, according to the MoD. These civilians died, along with two Taliban 'insurgents’, when two pick-up trucks carrying explosives were targeted by an RAF Reaper in Helmand. A military investigation concluded that this attack had been in accordance with correct procedures and UK rules of engagement.

 

Campaigners complain that the system for counting civilian casualties is flawed because it relies on villagers in remote parts of Afghanistan making the effort to report deaths to coalition forces. They also complain more generally about the secrecy around the Reaper programme, which fuels distrust. Only 40 per cent of drone strikes have been revealed in official RAF operational updates – the others remain classified. And there are no figures of how many 'insurgents’ have been killed (the deliberately vague term includes Taliban and al-Qaeda). The MoD attributes this to the need to not let their enemy know exactly how it is being targeted, and to difficulties in collecting information for an accurate body count.

 

The lengths of deployment for Reaper pilots, split between short stints in Kandahar and three years in Nevada, means that they have more experience of the war in Afghanistan than many of the soldiers on the ground. The terrain and the 'pattern of life’ in the villages they watch for suspicious changes become as familiar as those of their home towns. Often they observe a building for their whole shift and come back the next day to watch the same deserted building for another eight hours.

 

Does it get boring? Winston, the US Reaper pilot, admits, 'The honest answer is yes. You may get information that the unit is going into an area in three days and you’re told, “Don’t take your eyes off that building.” So you will fly in a circle for an eight-hour shift looking at it, and four hours in somebody walks in or walks out. You have no idea who it is. But somebody is watching the feed.’ (The audience for a drone feed can include troops on the ground, commanders in Afghanistan and intelligence analysts thousands of miles away.)

 

At times like this they find ways to relieve the boredom. 'You try and find humorous things. You see kids getting into fights and you’ll watch that, or traffic jams where some guy moves his goats across the road and people get upset.’ The stress of constant operations and long shifts, albeit with rest breaks, has led to fears of burnout among Reaper pilots. The almost limitless demand for 'overwatch’ creates a huge workload: every stream and every suspicious-looking building on a convoy route is checked for IEDs or a potential ambush by Reapers before troops go out on patrol.

 

The usual pattern of war fighting is to spend four months in a war-zone before returning home. But the Reaper pilots at their base in Nevada are commuter warriors: they work five days a week and drive home to their families at the end of their shifts. A tour of duty for them can last years. This changing tempo of war is taking a toll on pilots, even though they are not themselves in harm’s way. According to a survey by the Air Force School of Aerospace Medicine, nearly half the operators of UAVs have high levels of 'operational stress’ caused by long hours and extended tours of duty.

 


An RAF drone over Afghanistan, armed with two GBU-12 laser-guided bombs and four Hellfire missiles (CROWN COPYRIGHT)

 

The RAF is moving some pilots from three years in Nevada back to three more years on operations in a new Reaper control centre in Britain, where they will also pilot Reapers over Afghanistan. According to a squadron leader with several years’ experience flying the Reaper, 'Six years of permanent ops is something that we’re going to have to pay great attention to. Chronic fatigue could become an issue.’ The effect on pilots of this strange new state of being simultaneously at home and at war has not yet been tested.

 

About four per cent of US UAV operators have developed post-traumatic stress disorder, which some have attributed to the fact that powerful cameras show close-up footage of the targets of drone strikes after they have been killed. 'The cameras are good,’ Oz says. 'A Hellfire missile does have significant effects on the human body, and you should get to see that. If you can’t accept it, you are in the wrong job. But the weirdest thing for me – with my background [as a fast-jet pilot] – is the concept of getting up in the morning, driving my kids to school and killing people. That does take a bit of getting used to. For the young guys or the newer guys, that can be an eye opener.’

 

At sunset at Kandahar we walk on to the flight line to see the angular, insect-like Reapers close up. Two of the RAF Reapers, distinguishable by RAF roundels, are being refuelled and armed with Hellfire laser-guided missiles before being sent out again, two hours after their last mission. 'This is only a small fraction of the Reapers we have here – the rest are in the air,’ Ghost says.

 

The Reapers are sleek, shark-grey and about the size of a light aircraft – 'a Cessna with a missile’, as some of the fast-jet pilots like to call them. They are so compact because they do not need systems to support a human: no air system, pilot’s instruments or ejector seat. If a Reaper is shot down or crashes, the taxpayer loses tens of millions, compared with the hundreds of millions that a conventional jet can cost. And they never risk a pilot being killed or captured.

 

As a Reaper taxis by, I ask the 39 Squadron pilots how they cope with the 'chair-force’ jibes that come from fighter pilots. 'They can say whatever the hell they like,’ DJ says, more than a little testily. 'This is the leading edge of combat. As time progresses there is going to be a bigger appetite for these airframes,’ Oz admits. 'Flying a fighter aircraft was more fun. It was big, it was pointy, it went bloody fast and it carried big bombs. It was sexy. Who wouldn’t want to do that? Twenty-five years later I asked to come to the Reaper because it makes a significant contribution to the war.’

 

A short drive in a battered Land Rover across Kandahar Airfield is the headquarters of 617 Squadron, 'The Dambusters’, which flies Tornado fast-jets over Afghanistan. In the mess-room, where a flat-screen television and piles of DVDs kill time when they are on call to 'scramble’, I ask the pilots whether they would give up their fast-jets for UAVs. With varying degrees of politeness, they decline: 'I’ve no interest in flying Reaper. If I’m flying I want to be airborne,’ one says. But could their jobs eventually be replaced by UAVs? 'Reaper is absolutely the asset for Afghanistan but as soon as you start going up against anyone with a credible air threat we will have to pour money into aircraft that can fight back.’

 

It is a frequent criticism that Reapers work well in Afghanistan, where there is no air force and no accurate surface-to-air missiles, but in a conventional war these slow, fragile aircraft would be easy to shoot down. Though fast-jets such as the Tornado cannot stay airborne for as long, they can travel long distances more quickly. If troops are under fire at the far side of Afghanistan, the battle is likely to be over long before a Reaper arrives on the scene. Nor would Reapers fare well in colder, wetter weather.

 

Already the high rate of UAVs is a matter of concern to military planners. Figures are difficult to verify, but the UK Drone Wars website, run by anti-drone campaigners and using imperfect information, has recorded 14 drone crashes so far in 2012. The Los Angeles Times estimated in 2010 that 38 Reaper and Predator UAVs had been lost in Afghanistan and Iraq.

During the Balkan Wars, experiments with UAVs were abandoned because so many were lost in the bad weather. Fast-jet pilots argue that a crew in the air above the target can always make better judgments than a crew thousands of miles away. 'We can give more an interpretation of what’s going on,’ a Tornado flight commander says. 'It’s hard to put into words, but there is just that feeling of being there. You can see the whole situation and not just the target. The fact that you can look out of a cockpit and say, “There’s a village next to us.” We could be talked into thinking that a couple of men kneeling in the middle of the road at night look dodgy when it’s actually a guy changing a motorbike tyre that’s just had a puncture.’

 

Whatever the counter-claims between Reaper and fast-jet pilots, the arguments in favour of UAVs have been won in the Ministry of Defence. Later this year a new squadron will be established in Lincolnshire to pilot remotely five more Reapers – the first time that drone missions in Afghanistan will be been controlled from British rather than American soil. However, there are practical difficulties to overcome first. It remains unclear where the UK Reapers will be legally able to take off and land when combat operations end in Afghanistan in 2014. Civil Aviation Regulations prevent them from flying in British airspace since reaction times might not be fast enough to avoid collisions.

 

By 2030, the RAF estimates, a third of the force will be unmanned aircraft. An MoD report, 'The UK Approach to Unmanned Aircraft Systems’, predicts, 'Unmanned aircraft will eventually take over most or all the tasks currently undertaken by manned systems.’ The expensive F35B Lightning II fighter currently on order will be, it predicts, the last RAF fighter with a pilot in the air.

 

The UAV technology under development sounds like science fiction – from bee-size nano drones that can fly through windows to nuclear-powered drones that can fly for weeks without refuelling. Even if these wilder plans never see the light of day, the MoD has been funding the development of Taranis, a long-range jet-powered UAV attack aircraft that will be able to fly across continents.

 

The moral question overshadowing UAVs is whether their use trivialises the business of killing. According to the report 'Armed Drones and the PlayStation Mentality’ by Chris Cole, the director of the Drone Wars website, 'Young military personnel raised on a diet of video games now kill real people remotely using joysticks. Far removed from the human consequences of their actions, how will this generation of fighters value the right to life?’

 

From my experience at Kandahar this vision of teenage warriors seems far-fetched: the Reaper pilots I met were approaching middle age, softly spoken and sober about the life-and-death decisions with which they were charged.

It does, however, seem plausible that risk-free, long-distance strikes using UAVs could insulate the Western public from the human toll of war. If we can kill with such ease while protecting Western lives and avoiding the costs of deploying troops, will the bar be lower for governments to make war? Already, the creep towards a permanent state of war, via drone strike, can be seen. This year alone, the Obama administration has conducted drone strikes against al-Qaeda and its allies in Afghanistan, Libya, Yemen, Pakistan and Somalia. The Ministry of Defence candidly warns of these dangers in its report: 'We must ensure that by removing some of the horror, or at least keeping it at a distance, we do not risk losing our controlling humanity and make war more likely.’

 

These speculations become even more complex with the Frankenstein fear that, as UAVs become more advanced, they will be able to launch weapons without human input. There is a danger of an 'incremental and involuntary journey towards a Terminator-like reality’, the paper warns, and Britain must 'quickly establish a policy on what will constitute “acceptable machine behaviour”’.

 

Drones deliver death out of a clear blue sky. Victims will not have known their fate for more than a fraction of a second. Most of the time they won’t even have heard the Reaper’s engine. Is it possible such powerful weapons will hand a propaganda victory to those they are targeted against?

 

At some point military planners will have to face these issues. But, for the moment, the public is more likely to be swayed by the belief, shared by everyone on the ground in Afghanistan, that the Reaper has saved the lives of hundreds of British troops.

 

For the pilots, misgivings over a new weapon changing the nature of war are nothing new. On the flight line in Kandahar, DJ has to shout over the whine of a fully loaded Reaper about to take off for another long mission. He is dismissive of the angst surrounding unmanned aircraft. 'This goes back centuries. When it was sword versus sword and somebody started slinging an arrow over their head to the enemy – every time there’s an advance in military hardware, the other side says, “Are you playing fair?”’

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23 septembre 2012 7 23 /09 /septembre /2012 21:13

bae systems

 

23/09/2012 latribune.fr (avec AFP)

 

Les députés conservateurs s'inquiètent de voir passer une entreprise stratégique sous pavillon franco-allemand. Le ministère de la Défense britannique aurait ainsi posé comme condition à son feu vert au rapprochement l'adoption de garanties pour pérenniser les relations préexistantes dans le domaine de la dissuasion nucléaire, sur laquelle le Royaume-Uni collabore étroitement avec les Etats-Unis.

 

Le projet de fusion des groupes EADS et BAE Systems, inquiète outre-Manche. "Voilà ma vision de cette fusion: en l'état, il s'agit plutôt d'une OPA", a déclaré à l'AFP Ben Wallace, un député conservateur du nord-ouest de l'Angleterre, où est bien implanté BAE. Comme d'autres, il s'inquiète de voir passer une entreprise stratégique sous pavillon franco-allemand, avec des risques pour l'emploi mais également la perspective d'une gestion à l'opposé des habitudes britanniques. Le Royaume-Uni n'est en effet pas actionnaire de BAE Systems et n'intervient pas dans la vie quotidienne de l'entreprise. Le gouvernement se contente d'exercer en cas de besoin une action spécifique destinée à protéger les intérêts nationaux ou à encourager la conclusion de grands contrats d'armement à l'étranger.

"Des interférences de la part des Etats ont causé des problèmes chez EADS et Airbus dans le passé et c'est ce genre d'ingérence qui a empêché EADS de devenir le leader mondial qu'il pourrait être", estime Ben Wallace.

 

La France et l'Allemagne appleés à sortir d'EADS

 

"Le Royaume-Uni ne devrait donner son feu vert à l'opération que si la France et l'Allemagne se défont de leur participation, et laissent l'entreprise agir librement. Sinon, on court le risque d'interférences politiques et également de problèmes avec les concurrents américains", explique Ben Wallace. La relation avec les Etats-Unis est au coeur des inquiétudes des conservateurs, le parti du Premier ministre David Cameron, dont une partie se montre volontiers eurosceptique. "Je m'inquiète concernant nos échanges d'informations avec les Américains. Nous sommes unis étroitement avec eux sur les sous-marins nucléaires et je les imagine mal se réjouir" d'une menace de dilution des règles de confidentialité anglo-américaine, a ainsi déclaré Lord West, ancien chef d'Etat major de la Marine, dans le quotidien The Times.

 

Dissuasion nucléaire

 

Le ministère de la Défense britannique aurait ainsi posé comme condition à son feu vert au rapprochement l'adoption de garanties pour pérenniser les relations préexistantes dans le domaine de la dissuasion nucléaire, sur laquelle le Royaume-Uni collabore étroitement avec les Etats-Unis. Les sous-marins nucléaires lanceurs d'engins (SNLE) britanniques sont équipés de missiles balistiques Trident, fabriqués par l'américain Lockheed Martin. De même, BAE est fortement impliquée dans le très important programme américain d'avion de combat F-35.

 

Le groupe britannique est aussi le premier fournisseur étranger du Pentagone et, même si les budgets de la défense déclinent outre-Atlantique, les Britanniques aimeraient conserver cette relation industrielle privilégiée, déclinaison de la "relation spéciale" entre les deux pays sur le plan politique.

 

L'exemple du missile nucléaire français M51

 

Or, la fusion envisagée pourrait compliquer les choses, selon des experts.

"Je ne suis pas certain qu'une entreprise franco-allemande serait autorisée à détenir une filiale comme par exemple celle que possède BAE dans l'électronique de défense" aux Etats-Unis, estime ainsi Richard Aboulafia, analyste du cabinet américain Teal Group. Quant au nucléaire, le Royaume-Uni pourrait bien "sanctuariser" cette activité, avec des garde-fous garantissant que Français et Allemands n'y aient aucun accès. C'est déjà ce qui se passe pour le missile nucléaire français M51, construit par une filiale d'EADS mais sous supervision exclusivement française.

 

Mais cela risque de compliquer un peu plus la vie du futur groupe. "Plus chaque pays cherche à définir ses intérêts stratégiques, moins l'entreprise aura de flexibilité. Or une société doit avoir la liberté de rationaliser ses opérations et de faire circuler la technologie entre ses différentes filiales", observe M. Aboulafia.

 

"Les détails ne peuvent pas être débattus en public"

 

Sur le continent, la chancelière allemande Angela Merkel a déclaré samedi à l'issue de ses entretiens avec le président français François Hollande qu'"il n'y avait pas eu de décision" sur le projet de fusion EADS-BAE, mais qu'ils avaient eu de "bonnes" et "amicales" discussions. "Nous n'avons pas pris de décision, nous savons que nous devons donner dans un avenir proche une réponse aux entreprises. Les discussions étaient bonnes et amicales. Mais les détails ne doivent pas être débattus en public, notamment compte tenu des emplois", a dit la chancelière, soulignant qu'EADS était un bon exemple de coopération franco-allemande. "Sur le rapprochement EADS-BAE (...), nous, la France et l'Allemagne, sommes décidés à agir en concertation étroite parce que nous considérons que c'est un enjeu qui concerne l'Europe mais aussi nos deux pays, compte tenu de la composition du capital de cette entreprise", a déclaré François Hollande.

 

Evoquant les conditions d'un éventuel rapprochement entre les deux groupes, M. Hollande a déclaré: "les conditions, vous les imaginez, c'est l'emploi, la stratégie industrielle, les activités de défense, les intérêts de nos Etats respectifs. C'est là-dessus que nous sommes en discussion avec l'entreprise".

 

Ils ont promis tous deux de se prononcer dans les délais impartis.

 

Selon la réglementation boursière britannique, les industriels ont jusqu'au 10 octobre pour conclure leur rapprochement ou l'abandonner. Ils peuvent également demander un prolongement du délai des négociations, une option pour l'heure écartée par les parties qui veulent aller vite.

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19 septembre 2012 3 19 /09 /septembre /2012 12:35

US Air Force KC-46 Tanker Programme

 

September 19, 2012 by Zach Rosenberg – FG

 

Washington DC - Eighteen months into the Boeing KC-46 tanker programme, all is progressing as planned, says Maj Gen John Thompson, the US Air Force (USAF) programme manager.

 

The programme, meant to produce an aerial tanker to replace the Boeing KC-135, is 21% finished with its development schedule and remains on time and on budget.

 

The first parts - skin for the tail boom - have been produced, "so if someone tells you this is a paper plane, you can point at them and say, 'liar!'" says Thompson.

 

"I will have plenty of number two and number three priorities, but my number one priority is to successfully get through the critical design review (CDR) next year."

 

CDR is scheduled for July, 2013, with a plethora of subsystem PDRs to be completed beforehand. After CDR, the aircraft is built. The first flight of the new 767 variant upon which the KC-46 is based is scheduled for 2014, with a 2015 flight of the actual tanker aircraft.

 

Budget sequestration, scheduled to take effect in January, 2013 without Congressional intervention, would be "near catastrophic" for the programme, says Thompson.

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17 septembre 2012 1 17 /09 /septembre /2012 17:20

MQ-4C Triton

 

MQ-4C BAMS will soon become the first unmanned system

in US service committed to the maritime patrol mission.

 

September 17, 2012 by Richard Dudley - defense-update.com

 

The United States Navy is planning to deploy Northrop Grumman MQ-4C Triton Broad-Area Maritime Surveillance (BAMS) drones to Andersen Air Force Base in Guam with preparations for deployment projected to begin during Fiscal Year 2014 (FY14).

 

The MQ-4C Triton, only recently introduced, is a large, unmanned drone designed to provide enhanced maritime surveillance in coordination with the Navy’s P-3C Orion and P-8A Poseidon maritime surveillance/anti-submarine aircraft.

 

Guam’s Andersen Air Force Base (AFB) currently operates three Northrop Grumman RQ-4 Global Hawk unmanned aerial vehicles (UAV) in a limited surveillance role. The RQ-4 was designed primarily to perform land surveillance duties, not long-duration ocean surveillance sweeps.

 

In an interview with ABC News, intelligence analyst Matthew Aid said that the RQ-4 “was designed for pinpoint imagery or eavesdropping on land targets, by over flight, or by flying obliquely up to 450 kilometers off an enemy’s coastline” while the MQ-4C “was designed for broad area maritime surveillance – following ships from high altitude.”

 

Joe Gradisher, Public Affairs Officer for the Assistant Chief of Naval Operations Next Generation Enterprise Network (NGEN), recently told Stars & Stripes newspaper that the Navy’s Tritons would join the Global Hawks at Guam.

 

Mr. Gradisher told Stars & Stripes that current plans “for BAMS include the use of Guam, but other bases may be considered in the future, subject to combatant commander desires and future diplomatic arrangements.” The Japan Times newspaper and ABC News also reported the decision to base the Tritons at Guam.

 

As part of the United States’ “pivot” to the Asia-Pacific region, the US Navy is working towards reinforcing its maritime surveillance capability in the Pacific Ocean arena. Existing plans call for the new Boeing P-8A Poseidon Maritime Patrol/Anti-Submarine Warfare aircraft to be deployed as a replacement for the Navy’s venerable Lockheed Martin P-3C Orion maritime patrol aircraft.


The P-8A Poseidon is designed to operate with the Navy’s new MQ-4C Triton in an anti-submarine warfare (ASW) role that includes the interdiction of maritime shipping and performance of electronic intelligence (ELINT) functions. The P-3 has been in service with the navies of many nations since 1962 and is nearing retirement. The P-8s are expected to begin replacing some of the aging P-3s assigned to stateside squadrons next year.

 

Existing plans call for the acquisition of 68 Tritons and 117 Poseidons to replace the P-3C Orions still operational. By pairing the MQ-4C Triton BAMS drone with the P-8A Poseidon in the Pacific, the US Navy will be able to maintain a continuous long-range surveillance over a wide expanse of the Asia-Pacific region to an extent the P-3C Orions cannot match. As tensions between Japan, China, and other Asian-Pacific nations have continued to escalate and are beginning to pose a threat to regional peace, an enhanced surveillance force is a capability US Pacific commanders are anxious to get into operation.

 

There is also a very real possibility that Japan will be deploying its drones to Andersen AFB in the near future as well. Japan’s Kyodo News Service reported that the United States and Japan were discussing a proposal to jointly-base US and Japanese UAVs in Guam. The Japan Times newspaper also released a story, citing an anonymous source, stating that the Japanese Self-Defense Force (JSDF) was in negotiations with US representatives to arrange a joint-use arrangement that would allow the JSDF to operate drones from Guam.

 

The joint-use proposal, as reported by the Japan Times, would provide for the JSDF to share USAF/USN hangars, flight support, and maintenance facilities.

 

A previous Japanese proposal to buy Global Hawks was dropped because of cost considerations, but JSDF officials insist it is their desire to buy surveillance drones sometime between Fiscal Year 2014 and Fiscal Year 2020. The Japanese Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) currently operates 80 P-3C Orion maritime patrol aircraft, five EP-3C ELINT Orions, and four OP-3C reconnaissance models from various air stations throughout the Japanese Archipelago. These aircraft were built under license by Kawasaki Heavy Industries.

 

United States Navy officials and JMSDF officers are well aware that Japan’s fleet of Orions is not capable of providing the long-duration continuous surveillance of Pacific sea lanes needed to keep an eye on China’s rapidly-growing, technologically-advanced naval presence. A joint-basing arrangement would be advantageous to both nations with respect to cost-savings, workload reductions, information sharing, and joint-force readiness.

 

US military officials at Guam declined comment on the MQ-4C basing reports. Navy Lieutenant William Knight said that he could neither confirm nor deny the reports, but indicated that pertinent information could be forthcoming at a later date.

 

Guam to become forward base for MQ-4C (BAMS) drones in the Pacific. (Photo: US Navy)

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14 septembre 2012 5 14 /09 /septembre /2012 20:35

US BMD System source PacificSentinel

 

14 Septembre 2012 - LE MATIN.ma

 

Selon le Wall Street Journal, le Pentagone aurait l’intention de faire une expansion à grande échelle de sa défense antimissile en Asie, afin de contenir la menace posée par la Corée du Nord.

 

Le journal note aussi que la défense antimissile peut être utilisée contre la Chine aussi. Selon des spécialistes en études militaires, il semble que Washington soit déterminée à encercler la Chine avec un système antimissile de fabrication américaine. D’après Defense News, publication américaine, Taiwan est devenu l’année dernière le cinquième acquéreur dans le monde du système de défense antimissiles Patriot, après le Japon, la Corée du Sud, les Émirats Arabes Unis et l’Allemagne. De nombreux experts militaires ont fait remarquer que ce dernier contrat en date avec Taiwan est un élément clé d’une stratégie américaine d’encerclement de la Chine dans la région Est-asiatique, et que ces missiles pourraient bientôt former un arc de cercle s’étendant du Japon à la Corée du Sud et à Taiwan.

 

 Pour réaliser cet objectif, il est projeté de déployer un nouveau radar de signes avant-coureurs dans une des îles du sud du Japon et un autre dans la région asiatique du Sud-Est, peut-être aux Philippines. Le radar au Japon peut être installé dans les mois à venir. Les États-Unis ont déjà installé un radar semblable au nord du Japon. Ces radars permettront aux États-Unis de couvrir non seulement la Corée du Nord, mais toute la région. Dans ce sens, les États-Unis projettent d’augmenter la flotte de navires capables de porter des missiles antimissiles, de 26 actuellement à 36 à l’horizon 2018, dont plus de la moitié d’entre eux seront déployés en Asie et dans le Pacifique. Sur le bouclier antimissile, les responsables de l’Otan ont tenu l’objectif qu’ils s’étaient fixé pour le sommet de Chicago: annoncer l’achèvement de la première des quatre phases de ce projet visant à protéger les territoires, les populations et les forces des pays européens des missiles qui pourraient être tirés par certains pays asiatiques. «Se défendre contre les missiles est indispensable. Nous faisons face à des menaces réelles», a affirmé le secrétaire général de l’Otan, Anders Fogh Rasmussen. Lancé au sommet de Lisbonne en 2010, le système de défense antimissile doit théoriquement être achevé à l’horizon 2020.

 

Le projet repose pour l’instant sur un puissant radar en Turquie, des missiles SM3 installés sur des frégates en Méditerranée et des intercepteurs en Pologne et en Roumanie. Le tout piloté par les États-Unis, qui ont déjà investi plusieurs milliards de dollars dans cette nouvelle version de la «guerre des étoiles» de Ronald Reagan. Et qui ont appelé les alliés à participer financièrement pour la mise en commun des équipements et des structures de contrôle. En réalité et malgré les apparences, le bouclier antimissile n’a guère pris son envol à Chicago. En dépit de longs mois d’efforts, les États-Unis et l’Otan n’ont pas réussi à lever le blocage avec la Russie avant le sommet. Moscou, qui lutte de longue date contre l’avancée de l’Alliance à l’Est, sur les terres de l’ancien monde communiste, considère que le projet américain fragilise ses intérêts stratégiques. La Russie a menacé de déployer des missiles Iskander à Kaliningrad si les États-Unis continuaient à pousser leur projet dans leur arrière-cour sans faire de concessions au Kremlin. Barack Obama a laissé entendre aux responsables russes, au printemps dernier, qu’il pourrait assouplir sa position. Mais pas avant l’élection américaine, qui aura lieu le 4 novembre prochain.

 


Washington va redéployer ses forces dans le Pacifique

 

 

Les États-Unis vont redéployer la plus grande partie de leur flotte navale vers l’océan Pacifique d’ici 2020 dans le cadre d’une nouvelle stratégie militaire axée sur l’Asie, a récemment déclaré le secrétaire américain à la Défense, Leon Panetta, au cours d’un sommet à Singapour organisé par l’Institut international pour les études stratégiques (IISS) basé à Londres.

 

La décision de déployer plus de navires vers le Pacifique parallèlement au renforcement de partenariats militaires dans la région fait partie d’un effort «délibéré» destiné à dynamiser le rôle des États-Unis dans une zone vitale pour l’avenir de l’Amérique, a ajouté M. Panetta. Il a précisé que «d’ici 2020, la marine allait repositionner ses forces dans une proportion d’environ 50%-50% actuellement entre le Pacifique et l’Atlantique vers un 60%-40% en faveur du Pacifique-y compris six porte-avions, ainsi que la majorité de nos navires et sous-marins».

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11 septembre 2012 2 11 /09 /septembre /2012 16:35

Hélicoptères Mi-17 source Ria novisiti

 

Les factures relatives à 475 millions de dollars d'achat de carburant, essentiellement du diesel et du kérosène pour l'armée nationale afghane (ANA), auraient disparues.

 

11/09/2012 Par Maurin Picard - LeFigaro.fr

 

Un nouveau scandale vient entacher les relations américano-afghanes déjà passablement dégradées par les accusations de corruption envers Kaboul et les meurtres de soldats étrangers.

 

L'inspecteur général spécial pour la reconstruction de l'Afghanistan (SIGAR), John Sopko, a révélé dimanche dans un rapport préliminaire remis au secrétaire américain à la Défense, Leon Panetta, que les factures relatives à 475 millions de dollars d'achat de carburant, essentiellement du diesel et du kérosène pour l'armée nationale afghane (ANA), étaient purement et simplement «introuvables» entre octobre 2006 et février 2011. À l'issue d'une enquête remontant six ans en arrière dans la comptabilité de la mission d'assistance de l'Otan, Sopko s'est ému des réponses lapidaires de ses interlocuteurs militaires à ses demandes de précisions. La moitié des factures sur la période allant de février 2011 à mars 2012 seraient elles aussi introuvables.

 

L'affaire ne pouvait plus mal tomber, à quatre mois de la passation de pouvoir pour la logistique des forces internationales à la jeune armée afghane, avant le départ définitif des dernières unités combattantes de l'Otan à l'horizon 2014.

Le spectre des talibans

Les déficiences pointées du doigt par Sopko, récemment nommé par Barack Obama avec mission d'identifier les comportements criminels ainsi que les fraudes et gaspillages au sein des projets contribuant à la reconstruction de l'Afghanistan, semblent multiples: le commandement allié en charge de l'entraînement des forces afghanes (CSTC-A, pour Combined Security Transition Command-Afghanistan) se serait avéré incapable de préciser si le carburant fourni à l'ANA a été utilisé ou stocké. Pis, certains cadres du CSTC-A, placé sous les ordres du général américain Daniel Bolger, auraient «broyé» des piles de factures, sans que l'enquête ait pu déterminer s'il s'agit de malveillance ou d'incompétence.

 

Derrière ces stocks de carburant volatilisés se profile le spectre des talibans, qui auraient largement infiltré l'ANA pour mieux la disloquer de l'intérieur lorsqu'elle prendra la relève progressive des forces de l'Otan à compter du 1er janvier prochain.

 

Le CSTC-A, qui aurait dépensé 480 millions de dollars en carburant en 2011-2012 et 1,1 milliard au total depuis 2007, a néanmoins demandé que ces frais soient portés à 555 millions de dollars d'ici à 2014. «Dans l'attente des justificatifs manquants, il est impératif de limiter ces dépenses à 306 millions de dollars par an», a répondu John Sopko, frappé par la sourde hostilité des officiers de ce commandement. Ceux-ci ont invoqué la montée en puissance des forces de sécurité afghanes, censées attendre un record de 352 000 hommes à la fin de l'année, ainsi que l'arrivée de 25 000 nouveaux véhicules et générateurs, arguant qu'une limitation de ces dépenses entraînerait une chute de 37 % dans la disponibilité opérationnelle de l'ANA.

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6 septembre 2012 4 06 /09 /septembre /2012 18:53
U.S., Japan consider Guam drone pact

 

September 6th, 2012 by mike.hoffman - defensetech.org

 

Japan and the U.S. are considering plans to use Guam as a hub for spy drones to monitor Chinese naval activities in the Pacific, according to a report in the Japan Times.

 

The U.S. already has Global Hawks stationed at Andersen Air Force Base, Guam. The U.S. Air Force plans to expand the number of spy drones at Andersen and welcome Japan drones over the next decade as the Japanese military plans to buy its own drone fleet.

 

Japan’s Self-Defense Force had planned to buy Global Hawks of its own before the deal was scuttled due to price concerns. The Japanese have remained confident in their plans to buy their own drones, especially as the Chinese naval fleet has stepped up their patrols throughout the Pacific.

 

Japanese military leaders currently fly the P-3C patrol aircraft to monitor Chinese naval movements. The investment in a Global Hawk or the U.S. Navy’s version of the RG-4, the Triton, would be a considerable step up in Japan’s intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance capability.

 

U.S. and Japan air forces would share hangars and maintenance facilities for their drone fleets, according to the Japan Times report.

 

The U.S. Air Force’s Global Hawk arrived at Andersen in 2010. It’s the Air Force’s largest drone, although it does not carry weapons like the Predator or the Reaper.

 

U.S. Global Hawks from Guam flew missions over Japan after the massive tsunami obliterated the country. The Global Hawks provided intelligence and imagery for humanitarian clean up.

 

MQ-4C Triton

MQ-4C Triton

Northrop Grumman unveiled the MQ-4C Triton in June as part of the U.S. Navy’s Broad Area Maritime Surveillance program. It’s expected to fly a considerable chunk of it’s missions over the Pacific monitoring the Chinese and North Koreans.

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6 septembre 2012 4 06 /09 /septembre /2012 07:40
MQ9 Reaper Enhances Capabilities with new ‘Block I Plus’ Configuration

new communications capabilities also will be available in the Block 5, including dual ARC-210 VHF/UHF radios with wingtip antennas, allowing for simultaneous communications between multiple air-to-air and air-to-ground parties. Photo: GA-ASI

 

September 5, 2012 Defense Update

 

A new version of the General Atomics Aeronautical Systems Inc (GA-ASI) Predator B/MQ-9 Reaper has been flying since May 2012. The new version known as the Block 1-plus, made its first flight on May 24 at the manufacturer’s Gray Butte Flight Operations Facility in Palmdale, Calif., with no discrepancies. GA-ASI has upgraded the Predator B and Block 1 versions of the drone that have been in production since 2003. The MQ-9 Block 1-plus test flight occurred on May 24. With the completion of development, testing, and expected Milestone C decision this fall, follow-on aircraft to the MQ-9 Block 1-plus configuration will be designated “MQ-9 Block 5.”

 

The MQ-9 Block 1-plus is a capability enhancement over the Block 1 configuration, which has amassed more than 420,000 flight hours across all customers. Block 1-plus was designed for increased electrical power, secure communications, auto land, increased Gross Takeoff Weight (GTOW), weapons growth, and streamlined payload integration capabilities.

 

Featuring a new high-capacity starter generator, the aircraft offers an increase in electrical power capacity over the current Block 1 design. This increased power provides the aircraft with significant capacity for growth. In addition, the upgraded electrical system includes a backup generator which is sufficient to support all flight critical functions. This vastly improves the reliability of the electrical power system by providing three independent power sources.

 

New communications capabilities will also be available in the Block 5, including dual ARC-210 VHF/UHF radios with wingtip antennas, allowing for simultaneous communications between multiple air-to-air and air-to-ground parties; secure data links; and an increased data transmission capacity.

 

Additionally, the new trailing arm main landing gear will be included in Block 5, enabling the aircraft to carry heavier payloads or additional fuel. This “heavy-weight” landing gear increases the aircraft’s landing weight capacity by 30 percent and its gross takeoff weight by approximately 12 percent, from 10,500 lb to 11,700 lb. (from 4,762 to 5,307 kg). The new landing gear will also be available as a field retrofit to operational Predator B systems.

 

“We continue to enhance the capabilities of our aircraft, improving their performance to meet emerging customer requirements,” said Frank Pace, president, Aircraft Systems Group, GA-ASI. “The first flight of the MQ-9 Block 1-plus follows in the footsteps of the aircraft’s combat-proven Block 1 configuration and is an important technological achievement that will provide increased effectiveness, increased multi-mission flexibility, and even greater reliability.”

“We’ve designed field retrofitable capabilities–lengthened wings, wing-borne fuel pods, and new heavy-weight landing gear–that greatly extend Reaper’s already impressive endurance and range while further increasing its operational flexibility.”

 

The strengthened landing gear was one of two capability enhancements proposed by GA-ASI in April 2012, following a study the company conducted, exploring potential improvements to the aircraft. Taking advantage of the increased GTOW increase, the aircraft will be able to carry additional payloads, including two external fuel tanks, extending typical Intelligence Surveillance Reconnaissance (ISR) mission endurance from 27 hours to 37 hours. To further increase multi-mission flexibility and capacity, GA-ASI proposed to replace the current 66 ft (20.11 mw) wings with 88 ft wings (26.82 m’), and adding two fuel pods, along with the heavy-weight landing gear, thus increasing mission endurance from 27 hours to 42 hours on ISR-only missions.

Predator B is currently operational with the U.S. Air Force and Royal Air Force as MQ-9 Reaper and the Italian Air Force as MQ-9, with NASA as Ikhana, and with the U.S. Department of Homeland Security as Predator B/Guardian. The aircraft is designed to perform multi-mission ISR and “Hunter-Killer” missions over land or sea, with more than 130 vehicles delivered to date.

 

Fully armed MQ-9 takes off on a mission in Afghanistan. Photo: US Air Force

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